Gajalakshmi
Paramasivam
23 October 2021
Birthday Present to Mr Wigneswaran
Happy Birthday to Mr CV Wigneswaran.
I remember because it is also our
lawyer daughter’s birthday. More importantly at community level – it is the
birthday of Mr Jeevarasa – son of Pushparasa of Thunaivi – a toddy tapper village.
When I learnt that Mr Wigneswaran’s birthday was also on 23 October, and I wished
him – he responded immediately. But with time the responses did not come. In
the case of Jeevan who was born in the same year as my daughter – he rang me
today to get my blessings. After my class with Royal College student from
Hambantota – at 5 to 5.30 am Sri Lankan time, I opened my emails.
So, what was the
reason as per my belief that Tamil Diaspora leader Mr Rajendra Vinasithamby referred
me on this special day the discussion at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=egNIMyu8YUA.
That discussion was by IBC London with Tamil Eelam politician Mr Sivajilingam. At
first I could not work out the connection between that discussion and my
article dated 25 September, headed ‘Martyr or Fighter – Nallur Enlightens’. But
later the penny dropped when I read the heading under which it had been
presented -
முதலமைச்சர்
வேட்பாளர்
ஆகிறாரா
சிவாஜிலிங்கம்? சுகாஷ்,
காண்டீபனுக்கும்
வாய்ப்பு
| பேசும்
களம்
/ Is Sivajilingam getting ready to be the Chief Ministerial
candidate? ; There are opportunities for Sugash and Kandeepan also.
To the above, Mr Sivajilingam
added Mr Manivannan’s name also. I concluded that my opposition to all of them as possible
candidates for the position of Chief Minister was the reason why my attention
was drawn to the above discussion.
In his discussions, Mr
Sivajilingam highlighted lack of cooperation from the Central government in
relation to fulfilling the needs for Nursing
staff and English language proficiency. Mr Sivajilingam may not know of my
services in this regard but Mr Wigneswaran and many other local Tamil
politicians, as well as the Tamil Diaspora have been included in my email
communications. When they did not respond to them or at least acknowledge them,
I concluded that they were not in need as if that need, was their need and in
the case of acknowledgements they lacked the basic structure in Administration
even in this day and age of electronic facilities.
In the case of Nursing
staff I represented a group from North who were desperate for confirmations as
promised before the 2013 Provincial Council elections held after a gap of over
25 years. More than 200 women benefited from this. As for myself, I learnt that
we can work the system by following all due processes – without taking
shortcuts and / or through favouritism. A big part of that force was the
hardship I experienced at the Ministry of Health to get approval to go to the
camps in 2009, at the height of the war.
As per the
Administrative processes known to me as Sri Lankan, I had the right to go to
the camps as Professor Henry Sathananthan – at whose request I went to the
Ministry. But I did not get the level of treatment that Henry got. So I took my
turn practically from zero base. It was painful – but later I realised that the
credits that I sacrificed, to take my turn as a person without portfolio became
the ownership power of One. Ownership power is exponential in value.
It is this ownership
value that was lacking in Mr Wigneswaran when he was Chief Minister (CM) . To claim
political credit Mr Wigneswaran referred to LTTE leader as Thambi (younger
brother). This disconnected him from his own investment in the path of law. The
LTTE was open about their separation from that pathway. To the extent they believed
in it – they were right. But this does not extend to Mr Wigneswaran who unlike
me carried the ‘Justice’ status. That is the parallel of Buddhism Foremost
article in our Constitution. Both are relative and not exponential powers. One
who believes in the Judiciary cannot believe in Politics and v.v.
The good current
example of the outcome of this indiscriminate mixing is the Independent
Commission Against Corruption (ICAC )inquiry based resignations by three
premiers of the State of NSW - which is
the parallel of Northern Province of Sri Lanka. The Premiers were elected by
their party and the group was elected by the People. Both are taken to be on
the basis of Belief and not merit. That belief is developed through the
subjective pathway – based on proximity within the electorate. Hence if the voters as per their conscience
think they are right the MP is also right for that electorate. But in judicial
system this happens as a last resort
through the discretionary powers of the Judge as provided for in the law. This is because the Judge needs to be impartial
and needs to be seen to be so. Towards this – the law is elevated to a level
above that of the level practiced by Common Citizen in a free environment. This
is based not on the belief of the Common
Citizen but of the belief Common Judiciary over generations. That is how the
balance between the wheels of justice is maintained.
ICAC is a mix of the
two and seriously damages the system of Democracy where the leader is taken to
be infallible – just as the queen is taken to be. The Judiciary has to do its
own inquiries and find the evidence. If the LTTE had been limited by law – it would
have not had the strength to fight for 30 years against a lawful Sri Lankan
Army. Eventually, as Mr Mahinda Rajapaksa declared – his side also were ‘freed’
of the law’s restrictions including by the enlisting Eastern LTTE leader on their side to pick his intelligence.
Out of the above named
persons – Sivajilingam is an heir of LTTE. The rest as per my knowledge are
lawyers by profession. Unless they cheated the law to ‘win’ – as Mr Rajapaksa claimed he did – they would be heirs
of Mr Wigneswaran and other Tamil lawyers who could not win Equal rights due to
this indiscriminate mixing of the two professions. Out of these, Mr SJV Chelvanayakam
forewent Judicial position and became ‘Father of the Tamil Nation’ presented as
follows by Wikipedia:
[A successful career in civil law saw him becoming a King's
Counsel and being offered a position on the Supreme Court, which he rejected. As a young
lawyer Chelvanayakam was not involved in politics but when the British
established the Soulbury Commission to look into
constitutional reform in Ceylon he and other Tamil people formed the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) to
represent Tamil interests. He was elected to Parliament in 1947 to represent Kankesanthurai, a
constituency he would represent until his death]
Mr G G Ponnambalam on the other hand is
presented as follows:
[
The Board of Ministers established after the 1936 state council election
consisted entirely of Sinhalese members, excluding minorities who together
made up 35% of Ceylon's population. This was one of the drivers
which led Ponnambalam to make his infamous 50:50 demand in a marathon speech to
the State Council on 15 March 1939. He repeated the demand when he gave
evidence to the Soulbury Commission in February 1945. Ponnambalam wanted 50% of
seats in Parliament for the Sinhalese, 50% for all other ethnic groups] and about his
regional power:
[In
January 1976 the Union Government of India dismissed the state government of Tamil Nadu, accusing Chief Minister Karunanidhi of corruption, and imposed President's rule. Ponnambalam represented Karunanidhi
at Supreme Court justice Ranjit Singh Sarkaria's commission of inquiry. Karunanidhi was cleared of the
corruption charges]
As per my interpretation, this is
the Business Unit approach that is promoted in Democratic Public Administration.
Unlike Mr SJV Chelvanayakam
who relied on belief, Mr GG Ponnambalam used his cleverness to win – both in
politics as well as in Courts. If we have similar pair or both in the same
person as a leader – we are already leading Sri Lanka. Neither faced the LTTE
challenge.
The option
available to me and others like me is to strengthen the Administrative system
that we Tamils were good at and which led to the Sinhala only policy by Mr SWRD
Bandaranaike, followed by the Standardization policy by his wife. We can do
this by believing in our ancestors during British rule through which we
automatically connect to the Western Administrators including within the Tamil
Diaspora but not limited to them. The rest would happen through the system of
truth/belief. As per the system of Democracy – this belief needs to be at the
level of the citizen with the smallest portfolio. As per our true need – the opportunity
to invest at family level has been facilitated through emigration to these
nations. But if the Diaspora even thinks of profiting – we need clever folks
like Mr GG Ponnambalam to release us from the claws of the smart Justice system.
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