Gajalakshmi Paramasivam
03 January 2021
UNHRC
vs UNHRC
Energies
within us take appropriate form and manifest themselves in ‘Free’ environments.
Where a culture is naturally practiced, that environment is ‘Free’ and the
Energy manifests through such a structure.
In terms of Politics – the Tamil National Alliance (TNA)
structure has been presented as the structure that had majority approval of
Tamils of Sri Lanka. While reading the article that a Tamil Diaspora leader
directed me to - ‘UNHRC 46TH Session in February/March 2021’ at UNHRC 46TH
Session in February/March 2021 – Ilankai Tamil Sangam my
attention was caught by ‘TNA Constitutional
Proposal’ published on
20 December. I was happy to note the following proposal:
3 (1) The Constitution shall recognise
Sinhala, Tamil, and English as the official languages
throughout Sri Lanka, and the languages of
administration in the entire island.
My contribution to this happened before the above was
published on 20 December. I published mine under the heading ‘ENGLISH LANGUAGE: ‘WHERE DO I BELONG?’, on 08 December. Subsequent discussion on the basis of the
response by Dr Gehan Gunatilleke concluded on the following note from Dr Gunatilleke:
[I've suggested to another group (that's using our proposals as a
template) to explicitly include English as a national language.
Best,
Gehan]
Hence, when I read the above 3(1) in TNA proposal I felt that I had accessed Universal Power of
Common Belief. TNA may or may not be linked to the group mentioned in Dr
Gunatilleke’s
assurance. But to my mind, on this issue
– we accessed Sri Lanka’s Sovereign Power which is exponential. The Democratic
power to govern is based on this ability of the citizen to access this power in
the leader and v.v.
My heart sank when I read Section 4 which states as
follows:
[4(1) The Constitution shall
provide for a government with a ceremonial President who is
accountable to Parliament, and who acts on the
advice of the Prime Minister. The
Prime Minister shall be the head of the cabinet of
ministers.
(2) The cabinet of ministers, the state ministers,
and the deputy ministers, shall be
appointed by the President on the advice of the
Prime Minister from amongst members
of Parliament. Assignment of subjects and
functions shall be within the powers of the
Prime Minister, and these powers may be exercised
by the Prime Minister at any time.]
If indeed the TNA is the author of the above – it confirms a
structure as follows:
Mr Sampanthan is ceremonial president
Mr Sumanthiran is Prime Minister
Mr Sumanthiran decides and Mr Sampanthan ceremonially certifies
the decisions.
The parallel of that in Sinhalese is the current government. A
President who effectively ‘assists’ the PM, is the parallel of a father
effectively assisting the active son.
This demotes the structure to one based on the seen and the known
outcomes rather than on Natural Governance Power, which is invisible and is
known largely through belief and not through evidence.
This
pattern is repeated in Provincial Government structure:
[6 (1) There shall be Regional
Councils for every Region, as defined in a schedule to the
Constitution.
(2) There shall be a Governor for each Region, who shall be appointed by the
President
on the advice of the Chief Minister of the relevant Regional Council, and such
advice
shall only be given with the approval of the Regional Council.]
In the above structure – the Governor
assists the Chief Minister who is the head of Devolved Power structure. This
corrupts the hierarchy in a devolved structure. A governor confirms the belief
that is not yet written as law that supports the Executive power. The governing
power confirms our sovereignty. In terms
of Central Government – the governor confirms the Central Government’s ancestral powers. If the
Chief Minister usurps that power it becomes an enemy of Central Government.
Where Equal position is taken due to current contribution – one cannot ‘tell
the other’ but has the authority to take Equal de facto status. Where Equal or
higher position is taken falsely – including by showing current credits – it corrupts
the inherited structures.
Tamil
claim to Independent Governance in the geographic areas where Tamils are in
majority, is defeated by the above proposal. In 1976 we produced the
Vaddukoddai Resolution through our Political leaders. Our Political Equality was
confirmed through the 1977 Parliamentary structure according to which Tamils
held the Equal Opposition position as the government.
In
2015, Tamils became Equal Opposition and this resulted in the Global parallel
of the Vaddukoddai Resolution 1976 – the UNHRC Resolution 30/1 - making commitments
to promote reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka.
They
are all declarations of belief confirming a reliable structure. But between
1977 and 2015 – armed rebels dominated and held the Executive Power – as if
they were kings. The 1978 Constitution that created a Presidential position
confirmed how Mr Jayawardene interpreted majority vote. The Tamil Rebels matched
it by their own dominance during the above period.
As
per my discovery, when we take our structured positions and abide by the
responsibilities of those positions, we are supported by Ancestral powers. They
are divine powers which ought to be invoked only as a last resort. At other
times such powers support us continuously as invisible Energies. All we have to
do is to submit our contributions to those Energies by declaring our Truth /
Belief through the structures of our environments.
Where
armed officers rule over civilian power – our political structures get
corrupted. This was witnessed recently through Covid19 management being handed
over to Armed Forces. This made juniors
of the Medical Professionals.
In
any relationship – the senior as per the official structure needs to confirm
the power structure to outsiders. Whatever happens internally is confidential .
This facilitates power sharing at belief level.
Where
a side – say Armed Rebels – Sinhalese JVP or Tamil LTTE – take lead positions in
Democracy, the Democratic hierarchy led by belief does not work. If that is the
true position of majority – then positions need to be structured
accordingly. The 1978 Constitution was another
of Sinhala only Act combined with the Buddhism foremost clause in the 1972
Constitution. Yet there seems to have been no strong Opposition to this
king-position making constitution – including from the Tamil side which was
seriously subdued by armed rebels.
So,
what happens as per the system of Truth, when juniors in civil structures
takeover power through arms?
There
would be internal divisions if Seniors in Civil structures – expressly oppose
the armed leadership. Where seniors remain silent – the hierarchy gets
reversed.
The
Tamil Political hierarchy did separate to a degree until the Political leaders
were eliminated. Thereafter the hierarchy did get reversed – until 2009
when the Sinhalese also demoted themselves to unstructured ‘free’ pathway at Equal level to the LTTE. Civilian victims were
‘juniors’ to armed victims.
The
current government was preferred by the Sinhalese due to the fears of
resurgence of armed rebellion which they were reminded of through the Easter
Bombing experience.
Those
elected by the system of Democracy have the duty to promote civilian
leadership. Not only the current government but many leaders in the Tamil
community who are driven by Victory above Ownership are showing signs of strong
opposition to civilian Hierarchy and Administration.
When
Sinhalese make kings, Tamils are proposing reverse king-making. Hence the proposed
‘Ceremonial Presidency’ . If they do not know, they need to be humble enough to
ask and they shall receive. Instead, they are knocking as if they are governors
and expect the doors to open.
Those
who are seeking UNHRC on the basis of their military structures are bound to
fail – unless UN itself has become a structure that recognises Military Powers
on Equal footing as Civil Powers. If that is the case, the Tamil side that
aligns itself with the likes of President Trump has a good chance of winning.
As
in the game of Chess – ultimately we play against ourselves. This is also the
Ultimate Reality of Global Governance.
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