Gajalakshmi Paramasivam
02
December 2018
Rebirth
time for Sri Lanka
This morning half way between my work – I suggested
to my husband that we would have fresh bread for brunch. I had in mind bread
rolls. My husband brought home sliced bread for me and rolls for himself. I
said that after all these years – he still could not read my mind at the current
time, in terms of food. He started explaining as per our usual practice - which
to him was my agenda/budget. But to him –
his current wish was the driving force. Thus he divided and ruled. The Constitution, like the Budget is the Common menu. The actual practice was
separated by one who lacked Common life with the other. I use this family
example to present my true view about the current Lankan crisis at government
level - for those who seek to add their Truth at their respective levels which
then naturally supports every true believer in Sri Lanka. At birth, our base as
individuals is in our makeup – as determined before we were born. As we stay in
Truth – we restructure ourselves – as if we are reborn. Likewise a nation. The
Constitution is the horoscope of the
nation / the karmic picture of the individual at the time of birth. The environment
in which we are born is part of the Sovereign structure that we carry at the
time of our birth. Those of us who are
driven more by Truth – continue to carry that Sovereign power in all our
environments even when majority around us fail to recognize this as such. A
citizen must therefore restructure her/himself as per her/his Truth, in order
to be a natural representative of Sovereignty.
As I read the Ground Views article ‘The Removal
of the Prime Minister and the Dissolution of Parliament: A Legal Opinion’
I reserved my approval on the basis that it was not inclusive of Belief of the
Common Sri Lankan – represented by an elected President. I was also conscious
of the fact that the following team did not seem to include members of minority
communities. The team has been described as follows:
[This legal opinion was prepared by Gehan
Gunatilleke, Dinesha Samararatne, Kalana Senaratne and Asanga
Welikala in response to a request made by Dr Jayampathy Wickramaratne, P.C,
Member of Parliament.]
The
first question was ‘Did the withdrawal of the United People’s Freedom Alliance
(UPFA) from the National Government result in the vacation of the post of Prime
Minister?’
The response begins as follows:
[There is no constitutional provision that stipulates that the
withdrawal of one party in a coalition forming a National Government has the
effect of dissolving the Government or the Cabinet of Ministers, or the office
of Prime Minister becoming vacant. Article 46 (4) and (5) of the Constitution,
which deals with a National Government, makes no reference whatsoever to such
consequences.]
At the root of majority rule in democracy
is the value that the party with majority in Parliament is taken to have the
confidence of the People and hence is taken to have the authority to form
government. I could not find specific provision for this in the Constitution
and the above legal team has also not highlighted it. Neither could I find a specific provision
regarding who becomes entitled to leadership of the Opposition. The problem
actually started with Opposition Leadership – to which Mr Rajapaksa attached
himself on de facto basis. But Tamil leadership in Parliament confirmed the
Common Sri Lankan. One has to lose / renounce that which we think we have – to become
Common. Mr Rajapaksa gained status by making himself Joint Leader and therefore
demoted the structure of the whole Government.
The Common Sri Lankan needed to work
out from the structure that evolved as per the elections – the problems that
were submitted to - the Lord / Truth / Court of Natural Justice. That is the judgment
of the People – which if based on Truth – would support any natural law. If
Tamils were overwhelmingly in support of a military solution and therefore Separation – as per their true experience –
they would not have voted for Mr Sirisena or any Sinhalese leader. By
voting to oust Mr Rajapaksa and the Executive Presidency – Tamils voted for Equal
Opportunity under Democracy. Whoever crafted the 19th Amendment
failed to recognize this need by minorities. But Truth never forgets.
Thus, Mr Rajapaksa who kept promoting
himself to de facto status in Opposition – also promoted himself to Prime
Ministerial position.
The above legal team however highlights
through the second question and response their belief in law:
Q - Is the President empowered by
the Constitution to appoint any Member of Parliament as Prime Minister, who, in
his opinion, is most likely to command the confidence of Parliament?
R:[ ………………
It should be added that as a consequence of the presidential two-term limit
being reintroduced by the Nineteenth Amendment, the President should not
appoint a Member of Parliament to the post of Prime Minister who is
constitutionally disqualified from assuming the presidency in a situation where
that office becomes vacant before the expiry of the incumbent’s term of office.
One of the critical – but much ignored – aspects of the
purported appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksa MP as the Prime Minister is the fact
that he is disqualified from holding the office of President, since no person
who has been elected twice to the office of President is qualified to be
elected to such office (see article 31(2) and article 92(c)). Where the office
of President becomes vacant, Parliament elects as President one of its Members
who is qualified to be elected to the office of President for the unexpired
period of the term (article 40(1)(a)). This clearly disqualifies any person who
has been twice elected from assuming the office of President in this particular
situation.
We highlight this issue, simply to make it clear that the
decision to appoint a new Prime Minister on the 26th of October failed to
consider the broader legal and political factors that deserved the serious attention
of the President.]
Article 37 provides as follows:
[37.
(1) If the President is of the opinion
that by reason of illness, absence from Sri Lanka or any other cause he will be
unable to exercise, perform and discharge the powers, duties and functions of
his office, he may appoint the Prime Minister to exercise, perform and
discharge the powers, duties and functions of the office of President during
such period and may also appoint one of the other Ministers of the Cabinet to
act in the office of Prime Minister during such period : Provided that if the
office of Prime Minister be then vacant or the Prime Minister is unable to act,
the President may appoint the Speaker to exercise, perform and discharge the
powers, duties and functions of the office of president during such period.]
As
stated by the above team of lawyers – Article 31 (2) does prohibit a President
who has already been president for two terms, from standing for Presidency again. Article 37 however is an indirect
application which by ‘purpose’ excludes such a person. Motive is usually taken
as the causal force of a crime. Calculated motive could be assessed through
intellectual reasoning / logic. But where it is not calculated it is taken to
be due to one’s karma / genes / permanent feature – Piravi Kunam (birth trait)
in Tamil. If overriding the law has
become a leader’s Piravi Kunam – then one needs to address the issue at its
roots – i.e. through belief and not by intent.
Lord
Krishna explains this through the Wish Fulfilling Tree / Kalpagatharu. Krishna says to Arjuna and through Ajuna to us
– that the ‘roots’ of this tree are in the sky – the 5th natural
element – where the environment is still / zero. Hence the zero base start in
democratic Budgeting. Whatever happened before then is taken to be of infinite
value. Lord Krishna says to cut that tree – that is hanging upside down – so the
fruits fall to the Earth but the root remains in the sky where it never decays.
The root is permanent when there is no pain and no gain. That is when one
transcends relativity. When one is reborn in the same environment – where one’s
contribution was negative – it would be difficult to provide a structure that
is ‘sovereign’. Hence there is bound to be a different environment for those
with wide gaps between themselves and the common person in that environment. Such
changes are brought about through Constitutions in the case of nations.
In
the case of actions, if someone acts due to that root and not for profit – that
person should not be punished but set aside – even if the law says s/he is
punishable. Hence immunity to governors and diplomats. This is also the reason
why mentally ill are exempted from punishment. One who stays within her/his
belief only, should not be found fault
with.
The
Executive Presidency suits someone who actively uses her/his intellect to lead.
Her/his belief keeps her/him rooted to the common base. One whose intellectual
pursuit is stronger than her/his belief, develops the tendency to gamble. This is what
happened in Sri Lankan leadership.
If some
parts of the cause of such gambling with
the Constitution are in the respective roots, then we need to ‘separate’ them –
as in Divide and Rule – at structural level. This usually is needed when the
leader of the whole is driven by immediately visible outcomes rather than belief. Where the former
is stronger than the latter – the whole naturally divides and subdivides due to
laws of Nature / Truth. Where belief is the driving force that person is
self-governing. Hence devolution of power is needed to confirm the sustainable
part’s Sovereignty.
The
19th Amendment failed to confirm the contribution by Truth that
surfaced through elections – that Tamils as a community are Sovereign and since
this was denied by the Government – they evolved as Equal Opposition. There is
no confirmation of this in the 19th Amendment.
Hence
this de facto governance which is like hand to mouth living has become reality
of Sri Lanka.
Had
Dr
Jayampathy Wickramaratne, P.C, Member of Parliament who is one of the leading
architects of the team that drafted the 19th Amendment included at
policy level – the belief of a member of the Tamil community to actively
provide the ‘other side’ and limited the intellectual height of the
Constitution to that belief – the Government would have been protected from the
infection of de facto leaders driven by immediate outcomes. The basic
requirement is belief in the whole with minority looks and intellectual ability
to express at the topmost level. Gandhi
had both – the grassroots looks and knowledge of law at the highest level
needed by India.
Where there is clear opposition group
their belief based contribution is the highest level at which the Constitution
has Sovereign powers. Whether it is the Constitution or the above team –
providing feedback – it is limited to majority race for its Sovereign power. The
rest is gambling for one side and mental depression for the other.
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