Gajalakshmi
Paramasivam
16 February 2017
Caste, Race & Australian Doctorate
Now that our Australian University has
awarded the Honorary Doctorate to our Sri Lankan Prime Minister, including for
Reconciliation efforts – it has become a Sri Lankan Responsibility to earn that
credit through the academic pathway. It is also essential for Deakin
University, our Australian University that assumed the Authority to award such
an honor, to earn that Authority through
Research and/or Teaching the subject matter underpinning the causes of
ethnicity based divisions and conflicts.
The essential criterion for Reconciliation
is independence confirmed by Equal status. By recognizing the need for Reconciliation, we
are also recognizing the need for Independence which is confirmed by allocation
of equal status, until known otherwise through a common measure.
Expressed in Common terms one could legitimately
state that the Sri Lankan problem is about abuse of Subjective power. Hence one
needs to keep digging deeper and deeper to know the structures that generate
such powers. Subjective power is measured through the vertical line and
democratic power is measured through the lateral line. Both cannot be measured
effectively at the same time for the one person/group. If the answer through vertical
measure is correct then when that answer is straightened to be flat – it would
satisfy majority rule and v.v. This is highlighted through the following report
by Viswamithra who goes into our past commonness as follows:
[As a matter of fact, caste dimensions were more protruding
than those of race and faith. It was most unambiguously illustrated when the
election of educated Ceylonese came about in 1911. According to the biography
of J R Jayewardene of Sri Lanka, written by Professor K M de Silva, most of the
prominent Sinhalese leaders at the time, such as D S Senanayake and Justice E W
Jayewardene KC (J R Jayewardene’s father) persuaded Sir Ponnambalam who had
retired from all public life to stand for election. The prime concern of the
Ceylonese national leaders was caste and these so-called leaders of the
Sinhalese masses were pressed to do this when Dr. Marcus Fernando, an eminent
medical doctor who happened to be married to the daughter of Sir Charles de
Soysa, the wealthiest Ceylonese of the second half of the nineteenth century,
tendered his nomination. The disqualification in terms of the then Sinhalese
leaders was caste. Sir Marcus belonged to Karava caste, considered to be lower than Govigama caste from
which most of the Sinhalese leaders claimed to have hailed. Ponnambalam
Ramanathan (later Sir) was elected with 1,645 votes with Dr. H Marcus Fernando,
receiving 981 votes. The Sinhalese leaders at the time chose caste over race
and a great number of Sinhalese voters too opted to vote for a Tamil rather
than an established personality from amongst the Sinhalese elite.
One must realize one dominant element when negotiating with
political, ethnic or whatever opponent. A personal relationship between the
parties that negotiate would go a long way, a very long way indeed. The
relationships between the Sinhalese and Tamil leaderships were not ideal or
optimal at that time in the early years of the twentieth century, yet much
stronger than now. Defection of Arunachalam, Ramanathan’s brother, scattered
the seeds of disharmony and distrust, seeds of lack of genuine and sincere
trust between the two ethnic groups at the highest level of respective
leaderships. The Tamil leadership that assumed national recognition and power
thereafter belonged to the other Ponnambalam, G G and the Chelvanayagams and
Amirthalingams, now Sampanthan and Sumanthiran and Wignesvaran.] Colombo Telegraph
article Wigneswaran Is Not Helping the Tamil Cause
Caste
based system was imported by Tamils as well as Sinhalese of Sri Lanka, from
India – especially from South India. The
way it evolved in Sri Lanka varied as per the prevailing Sri Lankan forces. Indigenous
Sri Lankans living close to the Land did not embrace the caste system which is
more about Human Relationships as per the work performed by special groups. In
the above report is included the following observation:
[The prime concern of the Ceylonese national
leaders was caste and these so-called leaders of the Sinhalese masses were
pressed to do this when Dr. Marcus Fernando, an eminent medical doctor who
happened to be married to the daughter of Sir Charles de Soysa, the wealthiest
Ceylonese of the second half of the nineteenth century, tendered his
nomination. The disqualification in terms of the then Sinhalese leaders was
caste. Sir Marcus belonged to Karava caste, considered to be lower than Govigama caste from
which most of the Sinhalese leaders claimed to have hailed.]
As per my own discovery – our work produces
outcomes / effects as follows:
(1)
Money
(2)
People –
status plus goodwill
(3)
Ownership
which influences us to naturally connect to fellow owners.
In religious terms – the above are (1) Body
(2) Mind & (3) Soul.
Those who operate at Soul level – make natural
connections with others who operate/d close to their Souls.
Hence in the above example, if one takes
Sir Charles de Soysa to have done equal level of work as say Justice E W
Jayewardene KC – and both showed it through their respective pathways - Sir Charles
de Soysa through lateral economic growth and Justice E W Jayewardene KC through
vertical higher status, both would of necessity need to be measured separately
/ independently and NOT through a Unitary measure. The importance of each profession / trade is
relative to the contribution by its
members – including those whose body is
no longer with the group. Within a University for example, the Toilet Cleaner (of
Pariah caste) is of lower status than the Vice Chancellor (of Brahmin caste).
This is due to the reason that the minds
that developed that University structure would have made greater contribution
to develop the Vice Chancellor’s position than to develop the Pariah position –
the tasks of which could be performed by almost any person but not those of the
Vice Chancellor position. The latter requires sacrifice of immediate benefits
to develop higher structures – similar to savings. Such positions would
function to facilitate the welfare of all investors and hence the holder would
need to be capable of seeing the big picture in the mind’s eye. Hence the wise
would approve of a professional above business person in such positions. In
traditional families – money transactions were given lesser importance than
time based interactions for this reason. Money comes with the promise to divide
internally towards premature freedom. In fact – internal checks divide and
allocate responsibilities for cash handling due to this reason. Both sides to
the Sri Lankan war fitted this essential criterion to divide.
Sinhalese who had greater opportunity to form
government moved away from the caste system than did Tamils who were/are
minorities under a ‘free’ system. The fact that we have our own customary laws –
confirms/confirmed our diversity. To the extent we respect and include those
diverse systems we are entitled to Separation of Powers. If we are to come
under Unitary structure – then we need to first set aside all customary laws
from the Common Sri Lankan system.
A true Academic would recognize this purity
in logic. Over to you Dr. Ranil Wickremesinghe or whoever fits that Doctorate
certificate from our Australian institution. I myself had to forego my investment in
positions strongly influenced by subjective powers of academics within the Australian
Public Service and the University system, before successfully developing Democratic
Resource Management systems. Had I been attached to my investment in those
academics – I would have failed in my responsibility to develop democratic
system. That was the sacrifice I had to make to develop laterally and take
equal position as the Australian Prime Minister who relied on the old
subjective system while enjoying the benefits of democracy. Nature supports the
true seeker when there is a true need.
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