Gajalakshmi Paramasivam
No Handouts to Tamils Please!
It was with great disappointment that I
read the report about the main Tamil Political Party TNA (Tamil National
Alliance) making a deal with the Common Opposition Candidate in the upcoming
Sri Lankan Presidential Elections (http://austms.blogspot.com.au/2014/12/wikipedia-politics-old-age-diversity.html). Yesterday’s mail brought further confirmation in this regard. I felt even more disappointed when I read the
report published by TNA at http://tnapolitics.org/?p=2260&lang=en.
The Press Release by the TNA concludes as
follows:
‘The
experience of our people has been that the struggle for democracy over
dictatorship is inextricably linked to the pursuit of our most cherished
values: equality, justice, dignity and freedom. We therefore call on all
citizens to turn out in great numbers and defeat the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime
by casting their vote in favour of the Common Opposition Candidate Maithripala
Sirisena and the Swan symbol.’
The TNA has failed to educate us Tamils on
how according to their experience as
insiders in Parliament, the Common Opposition Candidate Mr. Maithripala
Sirisena has demonstrated support for the development of the above ‘cherished
values’. Given that Mr. Sirisena was part of the ‘Mahinda Rajapaksa regime’ – (a phrase used by TNA to describe
the government) – one would expect Mr. Sirisena to be guilty of all the negative
qualities that the Rajapaksa Regime is guilty of – as listed by the TNA in
their election manifesto. The lesson that TNA has to share with the Tamil
Community here is how not to cooperate with Mr. Sirisena who has become traitor
in addition to being a ‘member of the Rajapaksa Regime’ held responsible for breaches
of law at National level. The Common Candidate is also the Common Subject
through whom we learn how governments with disloyalty would dilute their powers and get scattered. TNA which is committed to Independent Tamil
Community under the Common Sri Lankan structure
– needs to accept responsibility for the confusion in the minds of all
investors in Independent Tamil Community. The younger generation all over the
world needs it.
Politics is half Administration. If our
politics is wrong then we have already failed at the primary level of Administration in addition to
foundation level of Governance. Tamil strength in Sri Lanka where we are in the
minority is Administration and not Politics. Victory through Administration is political
victory raised to the power of 2.
If, independent of what happens on the Sinhalese side, Tamils under
TNA leadership had developed strong Administrative structures within the structures
we already have – TNA would have been an
observer in the internal politics of Sinhalese and used the observations to
maintain the issue at the global level. Doing local deals weakens the global
value of our structure. The stronger we are in Local Administration, the
greater the political influence from those with whom we share in wider world –
as if we are family.
As indicated above – Tamil Politicians with
Parliamentary positions ought to have had ‘insider’ intelligence about Mr.
Sirisena through the Parliamentary structure.
I had this intelligence about the Australian political leaders through
my positions in Australian Public Service. Subjective intelligence is networked
naturally and once we become part of the common world we connect to the minds
of the leaders of that world.
Assimilators amongst us become locals if we
fail to settle our dues to the Administrative structure that rendered the
opportunity to connect to those minds. The vote of assimilators who owe the ‘system’
has lateral value as opposed to the
exponential value of a governor’s vote. The
higher the mind structure the greater the exponential value translated at
surface level.
Those who connect to the minds of those
subjective/political leaders and settle
their dues to the structures that facilitate that network connection – are integrating
governors. We become regional and global
when we settle our dues before expressing our assessment of the local leaders.
LTTE was local due to not settling its dues to the political government
of its times in its local area. TNA likewise has made itself local to Tamil
areas through this ‘deal’.
Vaddukoddai Resolution led to winning Equal
position in National Parliament due to the contribution by Tamils at a higher
level than Sinhalese who formed government through majority vote. Back then –
Malaysian Pensioners were the parallel of today’s Tamil Diaspora. Vaddukoddai was their Capital. The Hon S J V Chelvanayakam - who dedicated himself to independence of Sri
Lankan Tamil Community was also born in Malaysia and his education in
Ceylon/Sri Lanka was funded by his father who continued to live in Malaysia.
The funding came with the Energy of having followed the laws of Malaysia
strongly influenced by British Administration.
To my
mind, the Vaddukoddai Resolution
happened due to the power of such Tamils who invested in Administrative
structures above the level practiced in Sri Lanka and therefore accumulated
governance power to influence manifestations of political outcomes. Diaspora
Tamils who invest in Administrations of global standards above the level of
Sinhalese with the majority power to form government – would continue to
influence these outcomes in Sri Lanka in various forms at various levels. That
is the way Natural Justice balances the losses caused by human systems.
LTTE wins through use of arms and without
the cumulative administrative investment in common administration – do not have
this higher exponential value. Like local politics they have one to one surface
influence at that place at that time. Hence the majority Tamil vote went to
General Fonseka in the 2010 Presidential Elections. It would not have if LTTE
had been rooted to the Tamil independence heritage which has the power to
influence manifestations of traditional values.
TNA is confirming through its political
deal - that their political power is another form of LTTE local power which is
not sufficient to raise the rights-value of Tamils to balance against the surface value of
majority vote of Sinhalese at National
level. Those who depend more and more on
Tamil Nadu political leaders – would be paving the way for assimilation with
whoever is in power at that time. This would continue to cause anxiety to
Sinhalese as it renders greater political power to Tamils at regional level. This
must not however be confused with governance power. Political powers, like the
body, do not have the force to influence
beyond their local place and the local period/time.
The more committed we are to Common
Administration – the stronger our contribution to natural governance of the
Whole. Sinhalese to whom (1) the
Constitution is largely of Book Value (‘Ehttu Churakai in Tamil’) and to whom (2)
Administrative outcomes are at the standards of local political level using subjective influence at physical
majority level – carry lesser governance power than their counterparts of
minority communities who invest strongly in Administration. Doing deals takes us down to ‘business / project level’ Administration – with a
visible start and a visible finish at the physical level. This invariably has
the effect of ‘writing off’ investments in programs needed to carry forward old
investments as well as investments from faraway places. Often such deals do not
facilitate maintenance of high structures that have the capability to preserve
cumulative heritage values.
Governance power accumulated over long
periods and from afar, would translate to produce exponential outcomes at the
political level to the extent those manifesting the outcome feel connected to
the origin. Some of these sources would not have been born in Sri Lanka but
would carry forward values from many previous generations and/or
are practitioners of Global values.
One who has the experience as if one has
caused the outcome her/himself would know and thank her/his own governance
power. Towards this one would have needed to have fulfilled her/his duties as per her/his official position. Had I
for example accepted the benefits and opportunities through subjective
influence of various Managers in the
Medical Faculty of the University of New South Wales I would have stopped short
of my professional position as a Management Accountant - under
One University structure. I accepted the position as part of the Central
Administration supporting the whole University. That is also the TNA mandate
through which they have been elected to their Parliamentary positions under One
Common Structure. No individual who has accepted that position under the
promised mandate, has the authority to compromise and come to lower level
agreement. They need to resign from the substantive position and take an independent
stand under a new structure expressed independently. This was done by many of
our seniors – including Mr. Chellappah Suntheralingam.
Lord Muruga is our Spiritual Guru in this philosophy.
Declaration of Independence needs to be preceded by Renunciation of benefits in
the custody leaders the old system.
Like many grandparents we may symbolically
carry the old positions and remain as governors for those continuing to
practice the old system – as we do often in the caste system more for the
benefit of those in lower castes who are not exposed to any other mind order. If on the other hand we seek to be active –
as Mr. Sumathiran is in Sri Lankan Parliament and as I continued to be in
Central Administration of the University of New South Wales – as an active
opposition – we need to position ourselves as per the mandate through which we
were elected (in administration - as per the selection criteria through which
we were recruited). The Provincial Council is the parallel of new order of
governance for Tamils through which project based outcomes need to be shown.
Direct deals with a Central Administration using the old structure – is a lower
level backward movement.
So,
how does the TNA move to promote Mr. Sirisena – the Common Opposition Candidate
- indicate Administrative weakness?
Administration requires Structures with
firm Positions. Strong leaders don’t
need high positions to operate that system and produce common outcomes. Under Administration – if one does something to
hurt another – and that damage could be measured through a Common rule/principle/law
flowing from the Constitution and
interpreted as per the Administrative structure of the organization / unit – the
wrong is taken to have been done to the whole – i.e. to anyone in the system.
Not so in politics. In politics it has to be dealt with confidentially and
diffused through the balancing forces within – as in family.
By doing deals at the Political level – as TNA
as done – we would naturally compromise and accept lower level structures – as would
have been the case if I had accepted offers from within the Medical Faculty of
the University of New South Wales and thereby lost the opportunity to challenge
Central Administrators for their deviations from Common Principles of Global
standards required by a renowned University.
The Tamil independence struggle has now been escalated to global level and
local deals would naturally diminish the opportunities available to all
global-minded Tamils and other investors in the Tamil independence struggle.
Once we accept benefits through subjective
influence of part of the organization /nation,
we naturally forego the opportunities earned by the higher structure of the
whole. This happened to Pakistan which continues to lag behind India at the Regional
and International levels. Tamils as well as Sinhalese risk such lowering of
status through their Tamil Only or Sinhala Only claims.
While the TNA deal may seem to be towards
common Sri Lanka – in reality it is towards a scattered faceless Sri Lanka at the
global level. It is more generalization than commonness. It is more about
physical freedom than about independence of the mind.
Sri Lankan Tamils are now a global force.
It is our duty to give that ‘global’ force form at its highest. Wherever Tamils
invest in Administration of Global standards - beyond the level of Sri Lankan
Government – and continue to feel connected to their roots in Sri Lanka – they influence
governance in Sri Lanka – naturally and without having to DO anything active.
When Sri Lanka is in political mode – they would influence political
manifestations of that governance power. Such is exponential and is greater
than the sum of the individuals voting at the physical level. That is also the higher
path of minorities seeking Equal rights. Weak Administrations accepting political
deals – weaken the real entitlement of minorities to common resources. The
benefits received then become handouts –
by majority – as the prize mango would have been if Lord Muruga had accepted
half share of the mango awarded to his elder brother Ganesh.
A fellow member of the Diaspora asked me as
to who would win in the upcoming elections?
I said without any hesitation - Mr. Rajapaksa.
Mr. Rajapaksa is already winning the global position as the opposition
of Tamils. A Sinhalese-Sinhalese
Government-Opposition structure is not as healthy and tall and true and fair as Sinhalese-Tamil structure which naturally integrates
with global governance. That structure
is needed if Diaspora Tamils are to
remain active in Sri Lankan governance issues. It is needed by the Sinhalese
Diaspora also. My above statement applies to the candidate who would uphold
that structure more than the other. All those voting for Mr. Sirisena would
compromise and localize the problem which then runs the risk of Tamils becoming
welfare recipients – not only in Sri Lanka – but all over the world where they
are a minority community investing in Sri Lankan politics.
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