Gajalakshmi Paramasivam
07
September 2020
Branch-Stacking
in Lankan Civil Service
The election of leaders by majority vote is known as
exercise of Universal Franchise. Why Universal ? Because it is belief based. Belief
confirms Truth and Truth is Universal. If a vote was obtained for personal and/or
particular benefits which often happens through quid pro quos, its universality
is negated.
Tamils of Sri
Lanka have fought to preserve the Universality of their Belief that Sri Lanka
is theirs also through Belief. They would naturally mind-merge with Sinhalese,
Burghers and Muslims of different faiths who also believe that Sri Lanka is
theirs. Politicians have to win the votes of majority believers to ‘show’ this
claim. Hence elections.
The Election process itself has to be such as to
protect this sovereign power of belief all along the voting process. Wikipedia
confirms doubts about this during the 2020 Parliamentary Elections in Sri Lanka:
[Alleged manipulation attempts--
Candidate Sashikala Raviraj accused Jaffna District
candidate M. A. Sumanthiran who
was representing Tamil National
Alliance of misconduct during the preference vote count in the
Jaffna District and being seated inside the vote counting centre after the
conclusion of the parliamentary election in contrast to the regulations as
candidates are restricted from entering the counting centre during the process
of counting votes after the election. However Center for
Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) noted that the claims of manipulation are
false and is driven by social media misinformation and ignorance of the
counting process. Sumanthiran denied the accusations noting that counting
is done at different locations and brought to the electoral district's primary
counting centre and that counting booth has agents from all parties who must
provide their verification and agreement for the results to be finalised.
Sumanthiran revealed that he was at his house during the counting and was not
present in any counting centre and only visited the announcement area when the
results were going to be released and that other candidates including Sashikala
Raviraj were also present and spoke with the Returning Officer.
Allegations
of unlawful action against the UNP
The SJB accused the head of the UNP, Ranil Wickremesinghe, of
attempting to save his seat in the parliament through preference votes and SJB
claimed that the UNP didn't attain at least 5% of the total votes in order to
secure a national seat in the parliament.]
These are indicators that would guide the true
believer through a common pathway of sharing. Thus far, no Tamil Politician is
reported to have taken the first allegation up in National Parliament. Likewise,
no Opposition Member has taken up the second
allegation. Any changes to the Constitution by the current Parliament lacks
belief . The base needs to be stable to sustain changes to fundamental laws.
As highlighted yesterday, Article 99(2) of the Sri
Lankan Constitution provides as follows:
[(2) Every elector
at an election of Members of Parliament shall, in addition to his vote, be
entitled to indicate his preferences for not more than three candidates
nominated by the same recognized political party or independent group]
As per Wikipedia:
[196 MPs were
elected from 22 multi-member electoral districts using
the D'Hondt method with an open list,
a proportional representation system.The
remaining 29 seats were allocated to contesting parties and independent groups in proportion to
their share of the national vote. The electoral commission announced that
voters can vote for one main party and can cast votes to a maximum of 3
individuals as preferential votes.]
The D’Hondt method is presented as follows:
[The D'Hondt
method or the Jefferson method is a highest averages method for
allocating seats, and is thus a type of party-list proportional
representation. The method described is named in the United States
after Thomas Jefferson, who introduced the method for
proportional allocation of seats in the United States House of
Representatives in 1792, and in Europe after Belgian
mathematician Victor D'Hondt, who described the methodology
in 1878. There are two forms: closed list (under
which a party selects the order of election of their candidates) and open list (under
which voters' choices determine the order).]
The above explains why even the educated Sri Lankan,
leave alone one with just basic education, does not understand the system – as it
has evolved over the years – but carrying those corrupt genes with it.
This kind of manipulation is not uncommon. In
Australia, for example one of its forms is ‘Brach Stacking’ which was strongly
indicated in the Sri Lankan Political parties towards election time:
[Branch stacking is a term used in Australian politics to describe the act of recruiting or signing up members
for a local branch of a political party for the principal purpose of influencing the outcome of
internal preselections of candidates
for public office, or to inordinately influence policy of the party.
]
[Activities commonly considered to be
branch stacking include:
·
Paying another person's party membership fee, with or without
their knowledge.
·
Recruiting members on the condition that they are then obliged
to vote in a particular way.
·
Recruiting members for the express purpose of influencing the
outcome of a ballot within the party.
·
Recruiting members who do not live at the claimed address of
enrolment.
·
Enrolling people on the electoral roll with false information
about their identity or their address of enrolment — this may either take the
form of consensual false enrolment, or of forgery.
·
Organising or paying concessional rate fees for a person who is
ineligible for concessional rates.
·
"Cemetery voting", or using the names of dead people
to vote in a party preselection.
·
Offering inducements to younger or less powerful party members
to engage in such behaviour.]
Given
that the voters do not have the expertise to identify with the rights and
wrongs of such methods, we need strong Opposition including in the form of
media to highlight and present our conclusions which to the extent they are
true would get carried through the system of Universal Franchise of Democracy. The
damages are highlighted through the following example which applies also to the
Rajapaksa cluster in Sri Lanka,
including Army Officers in Civil Service through Branch-stacking :
[The Hawke-Wran review
of the ALP in 2002 claimed branch
stacking, largely driven by factions seeking to expand their influence, had a
"cancerous" effect on the party and a "deadening" effect on
branch activity, as many of the recruited members have no commitment to the
party.]
We witnessed this
cancerous effect in both major parties – the UNP and the SLFP . Those carrying
the genes would infect their new groups. When a politician cheats a believing
voter, the karmic return is exponential. The believing voter expands beyond
local borders whilst the non-believing politician who cheated such a voter
shrinks her/his own mind and misses out on mind-merger with those who follow
the law including in wider world. This is a serious risk for the Armed Soldiers
of Sri Lanka.
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