Gajalakshmi Paramasivam
13
November 2018
When Constitution becomes a Commodity
As
per Hindu elders the Hindu Bible – Bhagawath Geetha is a garland of experiences
– Anupava Thaara. One with experience confirms ownership. But when one sells
the experience – one sells ownership and therefore no longer confirms
ownership. It is for this reason that free exchange of money is banned in
families.
Sri
Lankan president - Mr Sirisena confirmed
recently that MPs were sold themselves:
[Giving other reasons for
the dissolution of parliament, President Sirisena said prices had been placed
on MPs following the appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksa as the PM. The President
said amounts ranging from Rs. 100 mn to Rs 500 mn had been offered to MPs.]
The Island report – ‘MPs offered Rs 100-500 mn; Fear of
violence expressed by some MPs – President’
This
confirms that the Members of Parliament
became a ‘commodity’. Like some grandparents who activate such trading in
families – Mr Sirisena also activated the trading by dismissing the existing
occupant and appointing another of his ‘choice’. Choice and confidence based
sharing are not the same. Former is
about the body and the latter is about the soul. In family one shares. In business one trades
and therefore ‘chooses’ to sell or buy.
I
learnt about this trading practice in Tamil community also – especially with my
sisters in law who claimed that they had mothered my brother in law who passed
away in 2010. The claim was made at the time they ‘saw’ his wealth. The
position of mother in that family fell vacant when the mother of 8 passed away
when my husband was 2 years old. My husband revealed that he did not identify
with any suffering that the sisters had gone through but that one of them was
more orderly and ‘inclusive’ than the other. So I concluded that this was false claim of
occupation as Mr Piyadasa claimed in relation to our Colombo land.
Thesawalamai
law facilitated us to establish this
through the Testamentary case filed in Northern Province. The sisters first
tried to ‘takeover’ and then when that failed they claimed equal share – which was
‘granted’ by Mallakam district court and upheld by Judge Illancheliyan after we
appealed to the Jaffna High Court. The petitioners claimed there was no
requirement for Administration and applied for Certificates of Heirship only. We
are yet to receive our Certificate but the Petitioners’ lawyers are assisting
the Registrar of Mallakam District Court to ‘collect’ the monies from the bank.
This to my Accounting mind is Administration. But in a land where the
Governance and Administration are used as interchangeable commodities – what better
can one expect of lower level Public institutions? Our inquiries as to progress
were blocked by the claim that we needed to come through our lawyer – Mr V Manivannan
who
is actively involved in politics. Mr Manivannan is also closely associated with
Mr Wigneswaran who carries his former Judicial position status as a commodity. Hence
he did not share his judicial wisdom with the People. An elected person has to
carry high level of Governance value and therefore natural sharing.
I
however went through the pain of being treated as a retired foreign woman who
did not know about the local customs of Northern Province. By not fighting
against their prejudices I had the experience as a nobody – very similar to the
poor widows and mothers who have to fend for themselves. The moment I sell that
experience I lose the ability to cure their weaknesses. To my mind the reason
why Mr Manivannan is now being challenged in Colombo courts – in relation to
his position as leader of the opposition in Jaffna local government is his
failure to complete his experience with me – an owner of Jaffna – seeking to
contribute to post-war development through
better Public Administration. Mr Manivannan is a ‘foreigner’ to Jaffna just as
Mr Wigneswaran is due to this lack of Governance Energy. Their claim that they
are with the victims of war is false due to them living off their past – both through the legal community –
to ‘show’ and not to ‘share’. Successful
politics is in that sharing. Belief takes us directly to the root cause – where
one does not need to calculate or justify.
Other owners would naturally identify with what we do.
The
president Mr Sirisena failed to become the position of President and traded the
provisions of the Constitution as if they were commodities. He did not become
the President as it is structured today – but is living in it as per his
imagination – just as Mr Wigneswaran did as Chief Minister and Mr Reginald Cooray
is continuing to do as Administrator – albeit under the name of Governor.
A
Governor needs to be still minded so the People could see themselves through
the governor. I am such a governor to the groups I am with in Northern Sri
Lanka. One needs to have the experience as
lay litigant to become the people and the curing happens from within,
through shared life. When one seeks to ‘trade’ one ceases to be a governor to
that extent. Mr Sirisena – to the extent he enjoyed the benefits of the
position of President but did not share in the difficulties and weaknesses of
his immediate family - the Parliament,
became a welfare president. Hence he became the puppet of Mr Rajapaksa who is a
smart trader in an unregulated environment.
It
took the opposition – including TNA - a
long time to act against this. The reason is lack of ownership due to being
driven by benefits, with little service value shared with their people – quietly
away from public eye – as we do in
families. Without such sharing one is not elected representative with natural
powers to cure weaknesses. Only the structural values of such sharing needs to
be brought out for others to read and benefit and not the costs for which we ‘take’
benefits especially more benefits.
We
may not find such persons in Sri Lankan politics. Gandhi was such a person in
Indian politics. It’s Gandhi’s ownership with those of minority status that
continues to sustain Indian democracy. Each one – to the extent we sacrifice
earned benefits and live within the balance – become shared owners of the
common group that benefited from the sacrifice.
The
confidence of the elected leader – in this instance the President - is demonstrated by such sharing.
When he finds fault with MPs for trading, he confirms that he did not have the confidence
of the Parliament. In the system of Belief – one does not need to prove to the
other. One who believes becomes the other side instantaneously. If the
president has confidence then the Parliament also has confidence in the
President. If so there is no need to rush and justify.
If
the President lost confidence in Mr Wickremesinghe - and believed that the Parliament also did
not have confidence in Mr Wickremesinghe then he had the duty to become the caretaker Prime
Minister until the laws of Parliament
established otherwise. By appointing Mr Rajapaksa, Mr Sirisena confirmed
trading his position as if it was a collection of benefits. This takes value
away from Mr Rajapaksa also.
The
Constitution needs to be based on the Truth we know about ourselves. The Courts
may or may not uphold that Truth. But one who self-governs would not stagnate
by a negative but would continue to serve to cure that weakness which reflects
the ownership deficiency of the Courts in the Public.
Now
that we know that Sri Lankans are capable of protesting non-violently – we could
move on – away from that part of the government that has made a commodity of
itself. That separation is also part of self-governance. They become ‘foreigners’
to citizens who practice the law with respect.
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