Thursday, 26 September 2019


Gajalakshmi Paramasivam

26 September  2019

Northern Tamil Heritage

The law is not usually practised directly by senior officers. Good management requires us to merge our truth with the expectations of the law.  That is how we customize the law to suit the needs of our institution. Without this merger – much of the law is likely to remain theory. The real law of the institution is developed by the truth of the members of the institution from its very inception.
The University of Visual and Performing Arts, Colombo whose Vice Chancellor was recently dismissed by the president for example was engaged in education from as early as 1893.  Similarly – the origins of the University of Jaffna date as early as 1921 – when Parameswara College was founded by Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan who was one of the first Ceylonese to be appointed King’s Counsel. All that wisdom in law would also be part of the Founding Energy of the University. But none of the recent Vice Chancellors have demonstrated connection to this wisdom. The young lawyers within the University also seem to be disconnected with this heritage. Once we discipline ourselves through the oldest member of the family, institution – no one else has the moral authority to punish us. The system of truth brings us the support when we need it.

The above applies also to the nation. Hon D S Senanayake - the first Prime Minister of post-colonial Ceylon –described Sir Ramanathan as "the greatest Ceylonese of all times". I believe that if at least one person who sought to be Vice Chancellor had respected Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan – s/he would have inherited his law genes and protected the University from becoming what it is today – a political football field.

Section 34 (9) of the Universities Act No. 16 of 1978  for example provides as follows:
If any vacancy occurs in the office of Vice-Chancellor –
(a)
the Deputy Vice-Chancellor, if any, shall perform the duties of the office of Vice-Chancellor, or
(b)
where there is no Deputy Vice-Chancellor, the Commission shall, within seven days of the occurrence of such vacancy, make such arrangements as it may think fit for carrying on the duties of the office,

On 08 May 2019, the Daily News reported under the heading ‘New Jaffna University VC appointed’ :


[The new Jaffna University Vice-Chancellor Prof. K Kandasamy will assume duties shortly after President Maithripala Sirisena called for the suspension of Vice-Chancellor Prof. Ratnam Vigneswaran on Tuesday (7).
According to a source, Prof. Kandasamy who was a part of the university’s Physics Department, will serve for three months and have authorization for all the matters related to the university. The letter of his appointment was notified to the university yesterday (7). The reasons for the suspension Prof. Ratnam Vigneswaran is still unknown. He was appointed Vice-Chancellor in 2017]
This is in breach of Section 34(9) of the Universities Act No. 16 of 1978 .
While it is understood that Professor Vigneswaran is suing the Chairman of the University Grants Commission – the question arises as to what Professor Vigneswaran himself did to raise the issue at Council level.  Was there a Deputy Vice Chancellor who could have taken-over from Professor Vigneswaran as per Section 34(9) of the Universities Act? If ‘no’ why not?
These are ways in which the University would have become autonomous within the law. One who felt ownership in the University would have identified with this provision. How can Northern Sri Lankans claim to have the right to self-determination when they continue to depend on what is ‘given’ by Central Administration? The University of Jaffna is the best institution through which Tamils could confirm such right. Every true discovery would provide that inner intelligence to govern oneself.

It is also not clear whether Professor Vigneswaran has exercised his rights under Section 34(10) which provides as follows:

[A Vice-Chancellor who, resigns or is removed from office under subsection (1) or in any other way ceases to hold office as Vice-Chancellor, unless re-appointed, may, if he was a member of the staff of a Higher Educational Institution on the day prior to the date of his appointment as Vice-Chancellor, revert to his substantive post in the staff of such Institution provided he has not completed his sixty-fifth year.]

Mr CV Wigneswaran who is reported to be a relative of Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan – seems to have gone into ‘hiding’ in this regard. Not enough belief in ancestors and the profession that raised his status?

Every completed experience by us strengthens our own karma. Our karma is our ultimate reality. When we invoke through our Belief – the positive karma of others – our own karma would become more positive.  This would distance us from rights that contribute to negative karma and take us close to wrongs and failures that are awarded by those who carry negative karma that are really positive for us – as in two negatives making a positive. Hence the saying ‘Failures are the Pillars of Success’.


Wednesday, 25 September 2019


Gajalakshmi Paramasivam

25 September  2019

Dismissed Vice Chancellors & Executive Presidency

Is the Vice Chancellor who is the Chief Administrator of a Sri Lankan University qualified to be so – if s/he lacks the ability to gain knowledge  of the laws applicable to her/his own position?  GroundViews article headed ‘Presidential Interference in Universities’ raised this question in my mind yet again. This time it was about the dismissal of Prof Sarath Chandrajeewa, the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Visual and Performing Arts, Colombo

By law all citizens are entitled to the protection of the law. By truth who is entitled to the protection of the law? One whose investment in law – for which s/he has not derived benefits is entitled to the protection of the law. That is ‘ownership’ investment.

Disciplined conduct is the ladder on which knowledge is raised to the higher level where it becomes common to the whole that the law applies to.  Professor –Sasanka Perera - of South Asian University - New Delhi presents the case  as follows at the primary level:

[Prof Sarath Chandrajeewa, the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Visual and Performing Arts, has been removed from his post by the President of Sri Lanka. No explanation has been offered.  In a letter to Prof Chandrajeewa dated September 18th 2019, the Secretary to the President says, “please note that His Excellency the President has decided to remove you from the Post of Vice-Chancellor of the University of Visual and Performing Arts in terms of section 34 (1) (C) of the Universities Act No. 01 of 1995 with immediate effect.” And that’s it.]

As is my way, I went to the Act – with which I had some familiarity  through my advisory services to Dr Darshanan who was dismissed by the Vice Chancellor of the University of Jaffna, in similar fashion. The above is Amendment to the principal Act - Universities Act No. 16 of 1978.
Section 34 (1) (c) states as follows:

“(c) The Vice-Chancellor of a University may be removed from office by the President, after consultation with the Commission.".

The Public need to therefore know whether the President consulted with the Commission before terminating the Vice Chancellors.

Be that as it may,  Sections 34 (1) (a) and (b) state a follows:
([a)   The Vice-Chancellor of a University shall, subject to the provisions of paragraph (b), be appointed for a term of three years by the President, upon the recommendation of the Commission, from a panel of three names recommended by the Council of that University.
(b)  No person shall be appointed as Vice-Chancellor of the same University for more than two consecutive terms.]

The sovereignty of the legislation is upset when the dismissal procedure is less accountable than the appointment procedure except when it is through personal Belief – to exercise which one needs Discretionary Powers. These need to be specifically spelt out in the law. How can the President believe in an academic in terms of Academic work and / or Administration of the University? Unless the Vice Chancellor has demonstrated to be so corrupt that the Public are at risk of being corrupted if such Vice Chancellor had Administrative Authority – the President has no moral authority to use governance powers.

The Vice Chancellors did have the duty to act as per the following sections:

34 (2) The Vice-Chancellor shall be a full-time officer of the University, and shall be the principal executive officer and principal academic officer thereof. He shall be an ex officio member and Chairman of both the Council and the Senate. The Vice-Chancellor shall be entitled to convene, be present and speak at, any meeting of any other Authority of the University or other body, but shall not be entitled to vote at any such meeting unless he is a member of such other Authority or other body.

34 (3)It shall be the duty of the Vice-Chancellor, in accordance with such directions as may from time to time be lawfully issued to him in that behalf by the Council, to ensure that the provisions of this Act and of any appropriate Instrument are duly observed, and he shall have and may exercise all such powers as he may deem necessary for the purpose

The above two sections empower the Vice Chancellor to require the Secretary to the President to furnish evidence that the President did consult with the Commission. As Chairman of the Governing Council – it is the Vice Chancellor’s duty to present  the decision with its supporting documentation – including his own affidavit to the Governing Council – which governing Council then has the duty to vote on the decision. The Vice Chancellor however does not have the entitlement to vote.

Separation of Powers between Administration and Governance:
Section 44 (1)  of the Universities Act provides as follows:
[The Council of a University (hereinafter referred to as “the Council”), shall be the executive body and governing authority of the University and shall consist of the following persons:-
(i)            The Vice-Chancellor
(ii)          Deputy Vice-Chancellor if any
(iii)        Rector, if any
(iv)         The Dean of the Faculty of Graduate Studies, if any
(v)           The Dean of each Faculty
(vi)         Two members elected by the Senate from amongst its members; and
(vii)       Such number of members as is total to the number of members in paragraphs (i), (ii), (iii), (iv), (v) & (vi) above  increased by one. All such members shall be appointed by the Commission from among persons who have rendered distinguished service in educational, professional, commercial, industrial, scientific or administrative spheres.]

As per my interpretation – in terms of approving Administrative Decisions, a simple majority would be sufficient. This is due to the limits of Administrative authority stopping with the CEO –the Vice Chancellor.

But where a Governing Decision is required  to be delivered, the approval by vote of those in group 44 (1) (vii) – which is the Governing Authority, needs to be greater than the vote by the other  group identified by  Section 44 (1) (i)-(vi) which is the Executive bodyas indicated by the essential qualificationtotal to the number of members in paragraphs (i), (ii), (iii), (iv), (v) & (vi) above  increased by one’

Hence one is entitled to conclude that  the Disciplinary  Authority is the Governing Authority of the Council. It is Not the President of the Country except when the Vice Chancellor is a danger to the Public.

Section 44(1) of the Universities Act  by its very structure requires the Council to be bound by to the Doctrine of Separation of Powers between the Executive Body limited by facts and the Governing Authority unlimited by Truth/Belief.

The final question is whether the Minister for Higher Education is the governor responsible or whether it is the President?

The disciplinary ladder needs to facilitate step by step – the due process of law. A governor has power only after the Administrative process has been exhausted. Direct Administration prior to completion of the lawful process promotes – radicalization. This has been strongly confirmed by the Easter bombings in which the Defence intelligence was abysmally absent. The Truth discovered by us is the nucleus of our intelligence. To it we add our belief in others who have discovered truth in a different form before us. It’s that inner intelligence that leads us from within – through our intuition – anytime, anywhere.  

One who has discretionary powers and applies it before the process of law has been exhausted – invokes the other side through officers who represent her/him. All other investigations above this level - into the root cause of Easter bombings become frivolous.

One who seeks within and finds the truth has the Freedom to use governance authority. Others need to stay within the outcomes produced by the local bodies – in these instances the Universities.


Gajalakshmi Paramasivam

25 September  2019

Spiritual Gurus & the Law

At a time when community discussions are active in relation to Religious Guru and Politician, I received the Hindu Council of Australia Newsletter – with an article under the heading :

[Police case against visiting Hindu Guru dismissed

A New South Wales court has dismissed a case against a Hindu spiritual and Yoga guru Anand Giri Maharaj and termed him as Innocent in its judgement. The case was brought against him by two women devotees who alleged that he had touched them inappropriately. NSW Police investigated the case and decided that there is no substance in the case and dropped all charges…] http://hinducouncil.com.au/new/police-case-against-visiting-hindu-guru-dismissed/?mc_cid=5777c24364&mc_eid=df19ffa017
The Sri Lankan community discussion is taking place on the basis of Colombo Telegraph  article headed ‘Ezhuka Tamil Is A Subterfuge By Wigneswaran To Shore Up His Sagging Fortunes!’ Canadian Tamil.

My objection to the author Mr Thangavelu was based on the following accusation against Mr Wigneswaran – former Justice of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka:
[He also murdered and buried a young engineer who dared to challenge the nefarious activities of Premananda]

When I do not have direct knowledge in a matter – I read up usually the presentation by Wikipedia. How I receive ‘what happened’ is interpreted by me as per my own investment in the issue which the matter represents.

I do value Mr Thangavelu’s participation and also Mr Wigneswaran’s. Structurally – Mr Wigneswaran’s position in Northern Sri Lanka is far more important to me than Mr Thangavelu’s position within the Canadian Tamil Community.   Below is how I related to the above:

We all have relationships in families. In civilized families such relationships are far more important than individual likes and dislikes. If at least one member of a family loves another member and/or the structure that provides protection to all members – that family is a respectable family. Likewise,  in a community and nation. The Tamil community of Sri Lanka needs the structures developed by our ancestors to balance the lawlessness of armed militants. If we gave ‘form’ to the positions developed by militants – it would naturally disenfranchise intellectuals who followed the law. We would thus end up being a less civilised community than we were before the ethnic war.

There is no doubt in my mind that at least some of the militant leaders were genuine. Their truth will work for them in the environment where their truth is the law. But once they come out – the common law needs to apply. In the current Northern and Eastern Sri Lankan environment we need to use inherited structures of our intellectually driven ancestors rather than the ones we made in war environment. Belief in them is Absolute power. I learnt this from my own commitment to Thesawalamai customary law. The Jaffna courts dismissed our claim but the ‘truth’ of  that structure that we respected  blocked the Administrative process on the basis of Civil Procedure Code. It also stopped the younger generation taking over power by hiring Colombo lawyers to defeat Jaffna lawyers. My assessment of young Jaffna lawyers is that they do not know the difference between horse and donkey illustrated as follows in chapter 12 of my book ‘Naan Australian’:

[By asking for Objective evidence for Subjective decisions, Australian Judiciary was declaring that it did not know what a horse was  nor what a donkey was.  Rani our engineer friend shared  this humor with me. Rani said that when in Sri Lanka she went for a face to face  examination to qualify as a professional -  Rani was asked a technical question for which Rani did not know the answer.  Rani took a punt and gave the accurate answer to a question that was not asked.  The examiner had then said words to the effect ‘You have revealed that not only do you not know what a horse is but also what a donkey is’. Rani is generous in her sharing of  her experiences. We connect naturally on many common values. Rani and Mano (both daughters) are great examples of  Equal Responsibility as children. They did not ‘wait’ for the sons and fathers of the family to take responsibility at the wider level.  They became the sons and fathers of their families. Ranis and Manos  are a huge reason why Tamils need self-governance.  They have contributed to it at family level. ]

The complainants in the above mentioned Sydney matter are two women from the Hindu community. My question is ‘why did they not seek internal remedy or were they ignored by the internal community mechanism? The Hindu Council of Australia, analyses and concludes as follows:

[Priests and teachers often have to touch others. When a Teeka is applied on the devotee’s forehead as a mark of welcome and respect or God’s blessings, it does involve touching the frontal third eye part of the forehead by a finger. Some rituals of baptism involve touching the head crown of the devotee by the priest. Another priest has told me that during funerals when family members of the departed are breaking down with sorrow, it is not uncommon for a priest to hold them in their arm to console them.
The strict rule that should be adhered to by all religious people is no touching without explicit permission. In practice, this permission may be implicit and a touch may be considered acceptable depending on the circumstances.]
Last year I was surprised when our granddaughter said that her teacher had excused herself from similar protocol – just to express verbally that she appreciated the flowers that were given by our granddaughter who was graduating from high school. I was surprised because it was new including in relation to Australian practices when our children were in school. But I appreciated very much – the progress made in this regard to protect minorities who often do not have the courage to oppose seniors/majority.

The ladies may be genuine. But their first complaint needed to be within their culture. Likewise in the case of Mr Thangavelu if he were hurt by the religious following of Mr Wigneswaran. By using this in politics – Mr Thangavelu was demonstrating that he did not know Politics nor Judicial system. I responded as follows to him calling me ignorant:

[Mr Thangavelu,
You have stated in your article in relation to Mr Wigneswaran:
“He also murdered and buried a young engineer who dared to challenge the nefarious activities of Premananda”
You say :
“Gajalakshmi Paramasivam is an ignorant woman whose knowledge about Premananda/Wigneswaran relationship is zero.”
I admit that my knowledge is from my internet search. But I could not find your murder accusation of Mr Wigneswaran in the internet. I consider it seriously Defamatory that you would make such an accusation without any evidence. In terms of how I register the message in my own brain – that is as per my truth and how I measure Mr Wigneswaran in this regard. It is disrespectful of the Justice system of Sri Lanka and the internal management of justice within the Tamil community. You owe it to us to withdraw that comment and apologize to Mr Wigneswaran.]

The judiciary is not always right. I realized this through my Court experiences in Australia and Sri Lanka – as an individual without portfolio. Hence the media is also not reliable. The only true reliable judge is our own Conscience which carries our Truth.

In information management there is (1) Data (2) knowledge and (3) Intelligence. Sri Lanka’s Easter bombings highlighted lack of ‘Intelligence’ . When information is received at the surface level for short term benefits from outside – for example war-victory claims by the government against its own citizens – there is drought of truth going towards intelligence bank. Where Knowledge goes out at the same level as it comes the receivers become dull and we become mere wasted bodies with time. Knowledge in excess of our needs burns the receptors out. They age quickly. The truth in a matter goes to the deeper part of the sense where it meets the brain. When the contribution by the Armed forces was used to claim ‘victory’ over internal citizens – that confirmed such zero contribution to common belief.  It confirmed that that government had no right to Administer the Tamil community.  
If the government of Sri Lanka had believed in the Tamil Community – it would have connected to the Indian Intelligence through Tamils – especially the militants who were trained by India. When we copy others – there is no work for the ‘deeper common facility’.

In the above Indian guru’s case – if he were a true Yoga guru – he would not have touched the bodies of his followers. Yoga is to develop independence from the body. If it was established that he did touch the ladies against their express rejection – then he was guilty.
These are culturally unknown areas for the Australian judiciary. Had it used the ‘teacher-student’ ruling of current times – the magistrate is likely to  have arrived at a different verdict.  The greater the emphasis on body the higher the risk of radicalization.

Tuesday, 24 September 2019


Gajalakshmi Paramasivam

24 September  2019

Dr Rajani Thiranagama’s Nation – Tamil Nation or Sri Lankan Nation?

Recently , I said to a Vaddukoddai trainee – that if she overrode the rule I gave her she would kill her job opportunity to that extent. This came to my mind when I read the Island’s publishing of ‘Thirty Years After: Rajani’s Lasting Impact’ - (Speech delivered by Rajan Hoole at Trimmer Hall, Jaffna, on 21st September 2019)
 Rajani’s plight in many ways was/is  also Jaffna’s plight. It boils down to the question of whether education is for a living or for life? Most of us start off with ‘Education for living’ as our goal. I myself openly declared when I was in high school – that I sought to go into the best paid profession. That brought me lesser status than those who declared that they wanted to be doctors or engineers. But my declaration  was my needs based truth.
It was that truth that promoted me to apply my knowledge - for Life after I fulfilled my duty as a parent. To me, replacing ourselves in family and community to the extent they contributed to our development is a fundamental duty.
Dr Rajan Hoole states as follows about Dr Rajani Thiranagama:
[She was an academic extraordinary, not one whose fame owed to a numerical count of obscure papers. She wrote in the Broken Palmyra:
"In this sketch an encompassing view is attempted, within the framework of historical analysis. … [It] rather breaks into emotional and descriptive scenarios. This has been inevitable for us, as we are participants in the pain and agony of a nation. This sketch is attempted principally to bring out into the open the little known side of our nation (already people are adapting themselves to living with reality, pushing and smothering the pain into the recesses of memory) and the underlying causative processes and forces."]
The confusion to my mind is which nation Dr Rajani was referring to – Tamil Nation or Sri Lankan Nation. The following details published by Wikipedia shape my thoughts to form a relationship:
[Rajani was born in Jaffna, in northern Sri Lanka, to middle-class Tamil Christian parents. She was the second child of the four female children. She followed her primary and secondary school education in Jaffna and in 1973, she entered the University of Colombo to study medicine. At university, she became actively involved in student politics.
During her stay at Colombo University she met a politically active student leader from Kelaniya University named Dayapala Thiranagama. Dayapala was from a rural Sinhala Buddhist background. Rajani broke ethnic and religious barriers and married Dayapala in 1977. ]
That marriage is like the JVP and the LTTE living together in the same space. Hence the ‘nation that Dr Rajani referred to is taken as Sri Lanka where Tamils and Sinhalese coexist. More importantly – Rajani  used the resources of University of Colombo and therefore owed Sri Lanka – the Common Nation. That contribution would have reduced the risk of premature declarations in public.
Dr Rajan Hoole provides the following analysis in relation to the above mentioned  conclusion by Dr Rajani :
[As ‘pain and agony’ in the passage suggests, for Rajani, intellectual activity was entwined with our emotions and feelings, and flowing with these it gives direction to our actions.]
In my yesterday’s article I wrote as follows:
[Knowledge is processed at three levels. (1) Hearsay, (2) Intellectual logic (3) Belief. Likewise our intake of the outside world through our senses.]
Our expression likewise are at three levels (1) emotions (2) Intellectual (3) Feelings. For Dr Rajani to express feelings she needed to Believe at the academic level where there is no room for emotions. Dr Rajani’s  marriage was between equals. But with militants – it varied between being junior and senior. I was very particular to leave Vanni when the LTTE indicated that it was going into ‘fighting’ mode. I gave my reports to UNDP – with a copy to LTTE chief.
I believe that by culture – I respected my elders and distanced myself from those who were disrespectful of their elders. I was in Vanni in 2003. The LTTE killed their elders in 1989. When we respect our elders – we inherit their mind-structure. In Academic terminology – this prevents plagiarism which confirms that knowledge has been downgraded to ‘substance’ level. Unless we do the work from zero base – we have duty to pay our respects to those before us before adding our work to theirs.
In Hinduism – we learn that one must renounce ‘attachment’ to identify with  our soul. In Academic work unless one seeks and finds the truth from scratch – one needs the past work of others. Where we have knowledge of who said something we pay our respects by attributing that to those person/s. Where we do not – we need to pay our respects quietly to the Spirit of the issue. In Dr Rajini’s case – was it Medicine or was it – armed rebellion? Did Dr Rajini develop academic leadership or Armed rebellious leadership?
The following passage in Wikipedia gives us a strong indicator:
[Inspired by her elder sister Nirmala, then a member of Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, Rajani became involved with the LTTE, administering care to those wounded in action. In 1983, Rajani travelled to England under Commonwealth scholarship for postgraduate studies in anatomy at Liverpool Medical School. There she launched a major international campaign for the release of her sister who was imprisoned in 1982 under Sri Lanka's Prevention of Terrorism Act. She also maintained her links with LTTE by joining its London Committee to educate human rights groups and other international organisations about the atrocities occurring in Sri Lanka. While continuing to write and publish scientific papers, she also became implicated in grassroots organisations fighting for women's rights and against the discrimination of Britain's black people and became involved in the international campaigns of other liberation groups.]
The above is a common pattern with many migrant academics known to me – including those from America.  They seek to be big shots in small kuttai/puddle  than be small fry in the big pond. LTTE suffered due to such tendency which led to partnerships with the very Sinhalese they claimed to oppose. The actual opposition was soldier to soldier at their level. When it came to political governance – they carried  negative genes due to their killing of political leaders who gave form to the Independence claim through the political pathway. The most serious one was Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. When one’s skills are raised largely through technicalities – the mind of the original discoverers of truth is left behind. Free Association  with such technical cleverness carries the risk of our own mind structures being demoted to that level.
When the pathways are different – we need Separation – which prevents us from becoming juniors or seniors.
Dr Hoole states :
[The key to understanding Rajani as an intellectual is her compassion for the downtrodden, and those ridiculed and oppressed because of their birth. She was in spirit and action part of their struggle to emancipate themselves and was harshly critical of leaders who misguided and misused them. This comes through in her section ‘No More Tears Sister -The Experiences of Women’]  

Those who seem oppressed because of their birth may not seem to be oppressed to their parents and therefore themselves. The Toddy-tapper village of Thunaivi seemed oppressed to me – one of Vellala / Farmer caste. I lived as part of that village but without deviating from my lawful pathway. They had their own system of justice – which usually was emotion driven. Unable to bear the insolence of the youth – whose mates stole our solar-lighting  and the fence wires – I reported them to the Police.  Our cottage was stoned. But I did have the warning much earlier during Pongal / Harvest festival – when they played loud music as if that whole environment was theirs. To my mind that kind of freedom came through militants who ‘stole’ the work of politicians and became possessive of their ‘freedom’ to express themselves – especially with women. This kind of disrespect for women – including their mothers was part of LTTE culture.
Dr Hoole presents Dr Rajani’s construction of this as follows:
["Unlike in the other groups, however, in the EPRLF, women were taking a more assertive role and putting forward clear, honest political positions in times of crisis. For instance, after the massacre of the TELO cadre by the LTTE, the EPRLF was the sole movement in the ENLF (the United Front of the EPRLF, the EROS, the TELO and the LTTE) that protested and organised demonstrations and other protests. This campaign was led by their women members. This position contrasts with that of the other members of the ENLF, such as the EROS who tactically decided to keep quiet and co-exist with the LTTE. Later when the EPRLF was crushed by the LTTE, many EPRLF. women were beaten-up by the L.T.T.E.. One prominent member of the L.T.T.E. had said while beating some women:
"What, liberation for you all. Go and wait in the kitchen. That is the correct place for you."
She adds, "Therefore the armed women's sections developed either in terms of "use" as in the case of the LTTE. or in a mechanical fashion, as a graft of an idea borrowed from other liberation struggles as with the EPRLF. Thus, the passive stand by the LTTE women can be understood, as the movement approved of them exactly as their society did. The fact that the EPRLF, possessing an advanced consciousness, was unable to transplant it in the community, is a general phenomenon in all EPRLF activities - in the armed struggle, the mobilisation of people and the construction of people's structures, among others. In every major aspect, the EPRLF exhibited estrangement between its theory and practice. Therefore neither our material reality nor our history had the basis to support a fully blown women's section in the armed movements. It is tragic that these women's sections themselves did not make any attempt to grasp their reality; an analysis of the position of women, the crucial social issues confronting them in Tamil society and women's history, would have enlightened them and cleared the way to laying down the fundamental tasks and priorities."]
The statement "What, liberation for you all. Go and wait in the kitchen. That is the correct place for you." confirms that women power which was a minority power within Armed groups – led by LTTE – was a ‘substance’ that men could use for their own purposes and then throw away. This was seriously disrespectful of Northern Tamils from whom we inherited Thesawalamai law.  The parallel of this demotion  in the civilian Tamil society is demoting dowry to ‘donation’ and therefore ‘trading value’. To the extent mothers contributed to their children’s education – militants who were disrespectful of women were disrespectful of Education itself.  This was apparent in Mr Velupillai Thangavelu in relation to Mr Wigneswaran whom he treated as his junior. It is significant that the former lives in Canada and the latter in Sri Lanka’s North.
Like Dr Rajani – Mr Wigneswaran also demoted himself in the name of service. Unless we renounce the titles that give us the status – we confirm imprisonment in that system – but at the lower level where the outcomes are visible. In the case of Mr Wigneswaran it is his status as Justice and in the case of Dr Rajani – it was her status as an Academic. Both suffered due to duality which eventually leads to bipolar tendencies. Gandhi renounced the higher benefits including status as an educated person. Hence he became one of the junior castes who were ‘abused’ by the rulers. That renunciation made Gandhi eligible for the support of Divine powers of masses.
In contrast – I had duty to Jaffna and if I had stayed on in Thunaivi – I would have failed to replace myself in Jaffna – especially through education. It is significant that Rajani who studied at Jaffna College – Vaddukoddai and whose father was Vice Principal of Jaffna College is not known at all in Thunaivi – where most of the folks of her generation did not go past primary school. Knowing those folks as if they were a part of me  - I am not surprised that Dr Rajani was killed by LTTE. They – the academic and the militant  were both Rajani. One killed the other – the same way SWRD Bandaranaike was killed and indeed Gandhi was by a Hindu.
Academic heritage should not be used for military purposes. This is the risk Sri Lanka faces if Mr Gotabaya Rajapaksa became President. Those who seek to enjoy freedom at the higher level – need to separate themselves from the benefits of that presidency. Otherwise we would have the parallel of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution which happened through Indian influence using Mr Varatharaja Perumal – who was recognized as Indian Tamil. Dr Hoole presents Dr Rajani’s insight into this as follows:
[She saw India historically as a would-be superpower, whose limits were defined by other actors:

"The Indian Tamil labour who built up the plantation sector … were simply grafted on to Sri Lankan society by their colonial masters and were rejected as aliens by the local population. … [Post independence] they were disenfranchised and became the most exploited and oppressed social group within the country … the growing contradiction between the local subsistence agriculture and the plantation sector manifested itself in the most fierce antagonism towards this under privileged group. Unscrupulous political elements used this contradiction to their advantage by portraying this dispossessed poverty stricken group as an arm of Indian expansionism. Even opposition to Indian supremacy in the region was expressed by victimising this minority group
."]

Whether it is caste, race or gender – minorities who are supported by strong ancestral powers – would invoke divine powers that are Absolute in value. Each group works best in its own environment. Hence we need firm separations of powers to successfully merge instead of assimilating and becoming juniors.




Monday, 23 September 2019


Gajalakshmi Paramasivam

23 September  2019

Sue them Mr Wigneswaran!

From time to time, I do become the intellectual opposition of Mr Wigneswaran. But I do respect him for his commitment to the higher intellectual path – which often results in loss of political support. My heart therefore fell when I read some unacceptable comments by Mr Velupillai Thangavelu in relation to Mr Wigneswaran. I was appalled by Colombo Telegraph’s irresponsible publishing of such hearsay about Mr Wigneswaran:

[He was not cut out for politics. He spent 25 years as a judge and after retirement devoted his time to hold anniversaries for the serial rapist Premananda who received two consecutive life sentences for raping 13 girls, most of them underage. He also murdered and buried a young engineer who dared to challenge the nefarious activities of Premananda. Not just anniversaries, Wigneswaran has built a temple for Premananda at Puiyankulam.]

My knowledge of Mr Premananda is much weaker than my knowledge of Mr Wigneswaran. But the statement ‘He also murdered and buried a young engineer who dared to challenge the nefarious activities of Premananda’  confirms that Mr Thangavelu is an irresponsible writer and those who followed him carry high risk of mental disorders.

Knowledge is processed at three levels. (1) Hearsay, (2) Intellectual logic (3) Belief. Likewise our intake of the outside world through our senses. Hearsay without Belief becomes disorderly and leads to gambling with information. A good proportion of it would become rubbish and make the thought structure disorderly. When information is passed through a common set of principles – such as laws – they show what one stands to benefit by being on the right side of the law and what one stands to lose by being on the wrong side of the law – the two being Equal along the lateral plane. Belief on the other hand is pure Energy. It has the ability to bypass the brain and lead us. Those of us who have been on the right side of the law as per our knowledge are safe to bypass the brain. But those who have been on the wrong side of the law – need to pass their expressions through Intellectual Logic of the community to whom they present their work.  This is largely the Tamil community in the case of Mr Thangavelu.

Wikipedia reports as follows in regards to the organization that Mr Thangavelu himself was leading:
[On June 16, 2008, the Government of Canada formally listed the World Tamil Movement as a "terrorist organization" under the Criminal Code.  The World Tamil Movement, the Canadian Tamil Congress and the International Federation of Tamils condemned the move. Its vice president Velupillai Thangavelu refuted the state's allegations of extortion, arguing the RCMP ( Royal Canadian Mounted Police ) had not prosecuted a single case ]
When I was charged with Trespass by the University of NSW – I sued them – even though I did not expect to win. In my case it was belief based and was direct Energy at that time when I did not have intellectual knowledge of the relevant law – the Racial Discrimination Act 1975. If Mr Thangavelu believed in the law – he would have sued the Government of Canada. But instead he is reported to have demonstrated friendship with the Government:
[Thangavelu, who was a senior official in the World Tamil Movement when it was the target of an RCMP investigation, posted a photo on Facebook showing he and Trudeau in Toronto last month.] National Post on 25 April 2017
The above medium reports also as follows:

[He just came to meet some people so I was also one of the invitees, so he just went around and spoke to people,” Thangavelu said of Trudeau when the National Post reached him by phone. “Why can’t a citizen of Canada meet the prime minister? It’s quite appropriate. Every citizen of this country has a right to meet the prime minister.”]

If this was belief based – then he would appreciate that Mr Wigneswaran also had the right to follow any religious leader of  his choice. This is specifically provided for in the Constitution of Sri Lanka. Even if one overlooks such double standards the charge ‘He also murdered and buried a young engineer who dared to challenge the nefarious activities of Premananda’ is seriously defamatory – not only of Mr Wigneswaran but the Tamil community that he continues to represent politically.
Mr Thangavelu as part of World Tamil Movement in Canada – was seen to be a follower of LTTE – which was proscribed by the Canadian Government. But taken as a whole – those of us who follow the law – have balanced the unlawfulness of the LTTE and other Tamil militant groups. This is necessary for us to believe that we are a law abiding community. Showing others that we are is limited to this level. Anything more – leads to disorder in the community.

 About Mr Wigneswaran – that frivolous writer states ‘He spent 25 years as a judge’ . This then means that the Sri Lankan Judiciary is corrupt OR if they are as a whole reliable - that Mr Wigneswaran has been certified by them as one who upheld the law.

Out of the two – Mr Wigneswaran certainly has my vote of belief – as being on the right side of the law. NOT so Mr Thangavelu. Colombo Telegraph is guilty of Defamation and if I were in Mr Wigneswaran’s shoes – I would sue them and Mr Thangavelu.  Lord Krishna who is the deity in the temple at Puliyankulam - was also referred to as playboy from time to time. But Lord Krishna responds as per each person’s Dharma. This has been confirmed by Subramaniya Bharathiyar in ‘Thikku Theriyatha Kaatil’ The Lord does not use just one yardstick – as LTTE often did. They are being referred to as De Facto government. But while there is room in Canada for de facto relationships in marriage pleasures – there is no such room there for de facto Government.  By following the LTTE  Mr Thangavelu has ruled himself to be a Terrorist under  Canadian law.