Gajalakshmi Paramasivam
17
December 2018
The
Governor General and the President
Fundamental rights
include the right to think in orderly manner, so that we would mind-merge with
others to function as families, institutions, communities and nations. When
fundamental rights of a family are
upheld by that family –top down through autocracy and/or bottom up
through democracy, that family naturally merges with other structures –
including global structures. Where it uses largely bottom up democracy – it merges
laterally with other families. Where it uses more top down power of autocracy –
it merges vertically with higher structures. The powers get shared through the system
of Nature / Truth. The experience of such families is high. When I received
email from Australian Labor Leader Bill Shorten last night – I felt that it was
confirmation of National level participation by our family – functioning as a
sovereign family.
Yesterday a fellow Australian of Sri Lankan-Sinhalese
origin shared with me his feeling of ownership at that level – through the appointment
of General David Hurley as our new Governor General. To my mind, it was because
of our mental participation of the workings of the Sri Lankan government that
affect us in common at global level.
As per Guardian
report headed – ‘Queen
appoints Australia's next governor general, with calls for it to be her last’ this was an
autocratic appointment:
[Morrison said Hurley was a
“stand-out candidate” who was “known for looking people straight in the eye.
Not up and not down.
“I
had only one choice, my first choice, and he is standing next to me,” Morrison
said.
Australia’s
Labor opposition leader, Bill Shorten had been “informed but not
consulted” about the appointment.]
But on that same day, when PM Morrison became the
queen’s voice – Mr Shorten connected laterally to migrants with strong
investment in democracy. That is how we mentally share our energies with each
other.
The Sri Lankan President is reported to have yesterday
expressed as follows in bringing about closure to the political crisis in Sri
Lanka:
[President Maithripala Sirisena today said that he has given the
Premiership to Ranil Wickremesinghe while honouring the parliamentary tradition
and democracy.
Speaking to UNF representatives after the swearing-in ceremony of Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister at the Presidential Secretariat, the President also said his previous statement on not appointing Mr. Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister even if 225 MPs support him (Wickremesinghe) was his personal political opinion. “I still maintain that position,” he said.] Daily Mirror article – ‘Premiership given to Ranil to respect democracy – Prez’
Speaking to UNF representatives after the swearing-in ceremony of Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister at the Presidential Secretariat, the President also said his previous statement on not appointing Mr. Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister even if 225 MPs support him (Wickremesinghe) was his personal political opinion. “I still maintain that position,” he said.] Daily Mirror article – ‘Premiership given to Ranil to respect democracy – Prez’
The personal political feeling would naturally be
shared with others who would also strongly oppose Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe. To
be valid, such opposition needs to be within a common structure of sovereignty.
Conscious Opposition motivates us to be active at that level. Express Opposition
motivates to ‘show’ more and more of our investment in that sovereignty –
generating lateral spread of motivation to own.
In Australia, the Governor General is appointed
and the Prime Minister is elected by
the people and the party. Election is a bottom up appointment. No voter has the
moral authority to appoint someone on the basis of merit – in such a way that
the appointed person would be taller than the voter. Hence a voter who is
self-governing would confirm absolute value when s/he votes through belief
which is the source of our moral authority. The leader in turn needs to be at least as
tall as the tallest voter from her/his electorate. Where there is a ‘gap’
between the leader’s capability and the tallest voter – the leader fills that
gap through her/his own vote. Where the voter is taller than the leader in general and/or in particular issues – the leader
would need to consult with that voter, in order to work the whole.
The need for democracy came about due to leaders
being shorter and shorter on merit basis which then stunts our experiences.
This was the case between the President and the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka. Mr
Rajapaksa would not be himself if he bowed to the voter. He bows to the
Buddhist clergy and they have high status including through the Constitution.
But Mr Sirisena is more humble and hence he accepted Madam Kumaratunga’s
leadership and mentoring. But when the lady became less and less active in her
advisory role, his mind went back to the past – in which he was junior to Mr
Rajapaksa and in fact who also elected Mr Rajapaksa within the party SLFP.
For Ranil’s part he accepted Mr Sirisena as President but did not include
him as part of his group. The block is due also to political need for
diversity. This dilemma is faced by many of us in areas where militants were
rulers. The heirs of militants tend to confirm autocracy, the same way Mr
Sirisena – the heir of Sinhalese autocracy does. They would become
exceptionally wise – provided they did not take benefits by claiming to be democratic.
Mr Sirisena demonstrated that he thought that he had
the power to appoint. When he opposed Mr Wickremesinghe in his mind, his own
investment in democracy would have been insufficient to raise his expressions
to national level and beyond. But with Mr Rajapaksa he would have had the energy
to be strongly autocratic. But as per Mr Rajapaksa’s character – Mr Sirisena
would have become the Prime Minister’s junior, irrespective of holding the
higher position.
Our Australian Prime Minister – even though s/he
would have been the would-be Governor General’s boss at one time – reverses roles
– not on merit but on the basis of stronger governance. In other words, the
Governor General has to be seen as one with stronger governance power that the
prime minister. Highest power in Defence area usually remains with the
President / Governor General and we Australians seem to be more and more
conscious of strong governance power being needed in this area – as confirmed
by military personnel becoming Governor Generals.
At the moment – as representative of the queen the
Governor General is ‘seen’ to have such powers. We Australians are yet to go
through the test that Sri Lanka went through recently which problem was waiting
to happen when Buddhist monks who claim to be the representatives of Buddha and
therefore are the parallel of the queen, became active in politics at lower
levels. One of them shot dead the founding leader of the SLFP – the Hon SWRD
Bandaranaike – the fourth Prime Minister of Sri Lanka.
Executives actively using their powers confirm low
level of Democratic Governance. In Democracy – there needs to be least use of
executive powers and hence defeat internally that would confirm a weak picture
of the whole nation to outsiders – even if no clear verdict is pronounced – for
example as the Supreme Court did recently in the case of Sri Lankan President’s
decision. A tall and strong constitution, actively practiced, protects the nation from outsiders. We Sri
Lankans proved our strength through the current crisis which is now further opportunity to globalise ourselves.
Often those
whose immediate family are heirs in politics would tend to be autocratic and
hence would have great difficulty in adjusting to true democracy.
A person who is treated as governor – as confirmed
by others taking their oaths before her/him – has no authority to exert
executive power over that oath-taking officer. Immunity is applicable only to
the extent one is a governor. One cannot be governor as well as executive in the
one issue at the same time. Hence when President Sirisena ‘dismissed and
appointed’ Prime Ministers – he lost the protection of presidential immunity. This is confirmed by
Articles 35 (3) and 44(2) of the Sri
Lankan Constitution as follows:
[35 (3) The immunity conferred
by the provisions of paragraph (1) of this Article shall not apply to any proceedings in any court in relation to the
exercise of any power pertaining to any subject or function assigned to the
President or remaining in his charge under paragraph (2) of Article 44…………………….
44 (2) The
President may assign to himself any subject or function and shall remain in
charge of any subject or function not assigned to any Minister under the
provisions of paragraph (1) of this Article or the provisions of paragraph (1)
of Article 45 and may for that purpose determine the number of Ministries to be
in his charge, and accordingly, any reference in the Constitution or any written
law to the Minister to whom such subject or function is assigned, shall be read
and construed as a reference to the President.]
Any member of Parliament – starting with the Prime
Minister and the Ministers who were replaced by Mr Sirisena and Mr Rajapaksa – could have brought action against them and
Mr Sirisena specifically would have been without the protection of Presidential
immunity.
This fundamental Doctrine of Separation of Powers between Governance
and Executive needs to be clearly
addressed in the next amendment to the Sri Lankan constitution if Presidential
immunity is to continue.
At provincial level in Sri Lanka – the Governor is not entitled to any
Administrative power other than those delegated by the President from her/his
own portfolio. But Mr Reginald Cooray – the current Governor of Northern Province of Sri Lanka confirmed
indiscriminate encroachment into other areas – especially Administrative and
Development work which is the Chief
Minister’s area. http://www.dailynews.lk/2018/10/16/features/165584/reginald-cooray-bares-myths-north.
This happened about 10 days before the political crisis at national level –
confirming the risks in free movement of energy between the leader and the delegate.
The Chief Minister of Northern Province is the parallel of the Prime Minister
at National level.
It’s a pity
that Mr Wigneswaran failed to contest the powers exercised by Mr Cooray - as being in breach of his (Mr Wigneswaran’s)
fundamental rights. Mr Wigneswaran or any elected member of Northern province
has the duty to lead Northern citizens in this. Mr Sumanthiran who was part of
the group that challenged has thus far demonstrated lack of courage and/or
ignorance in this regard. Northerners are capable of strong structures provided
they pay their respects to their elders in Administration.
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