Gajalakshmi Paramasivam
22 January 2018
Catch
22 – Tamil University and Tamil Militancy
Someone
who has invested in Transnational Government of Tamil
Eelam (TGTE) forwarded the report under the heading - P.M. V. Rudrakumaran’s public challenge to
Sumathiran!! What is the respons? - published at https://www.einnews.com/pr_news/427879452/.
Around the same time, I received another local report about
Australian Tamil Mr. Kathirgamanathan Narenthiranathan who
is reported to have nominated himself to the
position of President of Wentworthville Study Centre and is reported to have
switched places with the Teacher who is reported to have received 13 votes relative
to his 9 votes, to become the principal of the senior school. Amongst the
allegations is the serious allegation of issuing certificates of 100% attendance
in relation students who did not actually attend 100%. This reminded me of an
NGO executive in Nallur – Jaffna – asking for my signature in certificates
relating to their English course. I realised through the process that there
were more than the numbers who actually attended the training. The realisation
came when the lights went off at that point. The place was our Thunaivi Sri
Lanka, cottage veranda directly opposite
the altar of our temple, where I have had many similar indicators which to me are
messages from Above. I have severed all connections with this lady – thanks to
that Blessing from above. They are all
Governance messages which need no explanations.
To me it was no coincidence that the above mentioned two reports came to me at about the same time.
They confirm the struggles that we Tamils as a community face from within, towards
confirming our Independent identity. Every person / group which is able to
claim without inner anxiety that s/he/ the group is self-governing contributes
to Self-Governance of every place that is her/his/the group’s home. That is
true Governance power which naturally consolidates the ownership power of others
to whom also that place is ‘home’.
One group is there for the other during the latter’s time of true
need – as Indian, Malaysian and
Singaporean Tamils led the support of world Tamils to openly support Sri Lankan Tamils in 2009 when our dignity as
Sri Lankan Tamils was imprisoned by the Sri Lankan Government, under the excuse
of eliminating Terrorism.
Taken as a Tamil Nation, Australian Tamils are an autonomous group
Equal and parallel to Sri Lankan Tamil
Community that Mr Sumanthiran is a part of and to American Tamil community that
Mr Rudrakumaran is a part of. Like Mr. Narendranathan of Wentworthville, mentioned
above, Mr Rudrakumaran was selective in
choosing his population. I was informed of the election process but later was
not sent the voting forms. In Australia, the groups that consider me to be part
of themselves – continue to include me in various activities that operationalize
the hypothesis that we Tamils are a global nation. Not so, the American group TGTE
nor the Sri Lankan Political group whose partnership includes Mr Sumanthiran. But
from time to time various groups that through their apparent makeup are non-political
do seek my services one way or the other – the latest one being the University
of Jaffna in whose Governance power I had already invested.
It was through this assignment that I learnt the beauty of the
mind/s that crafted the Universities Act
No. 16 of 1978 which
includes the solution to the Tamil Eelam problem that we are all grappling
with.
Section 45 of this Act
provides as follows:
(a)
Section
45
of the Universities Act Universities Act No. 16 of 1978 :
45. (1) Subject to the provisions of this Act, the
Council shall exercise the powers and perform and discharge the duties and
functions conferred or imposed on, or assigned to, the University.
(2)
Without prejudice to the generality of the
powers conferred upon it by subsection (1), the Council shall exercise, perform
and discharge the following powers, duties and functions:-
(xii)
to appoint persons to, and to suspend, dismiss or otherwise punish persons in
the employment of, the University:
Provided that, except
in the case of Officers and teachers, these powers may be delegated to the
Vice-Chancellor;
That to me was ‘catch 22’ for Universities which effectively says ‘you
are an Administrator but the moment you have to discipline a person parallel to
yourself – with the responsibility to
uphold Intellectual Independence - you
are no longer an Administrator’. This means that the Vice Chancellor can only
vote from then on and not Administer. Anyone who Administers a true governor invokes
the power of other governors of that place / institution and loses their
fundamental rights to the extent of their Administration.
The parallel in Parliament is that law-makers who Administer
fellow law makers or citizens who govern through practice of law and/or faith lose
their own fundamental rights to the extent of their Administration.
In
the case of teachers and most senior officers of the University – they are all
custodians of Governance powers by their fields of speciality and hence are beyond Administration. They
could only be voted out at that level. The outcomes produced by them could be
verified by the Governors in the Council through identity – as in multiple
choice questions. The first answer that you identify with is the true answer
for you. It’s like seeing in the mirror your investment in that subject matter.
There is no logic needed to identify with that answer, for it is your participation marks. It may not
get you the grade at the exam but it will preserve your independence value and
motivate you from within to invest more in that subject matter through direct
intellectual pursuit and/or by genuinely respecting those who are already
experts in that subject-matter.
At
the University of NSW where I operationalized the hypothesis that ‘first
generation migrants from the East holding positions that are less than their
real value in the Australian University
structure at the current time, would become equal owners as the Vice Chancellor
of Western culture who is yet to complete his duty as per his stated mandate.’ Now I realise that it was this Governance
power to which I gave form despite the threats and difficulties I faced – that brought
me the express support of Sir Anthony Mason with wisdom in law and Dr. John
Yu - with wisdom in Public
Administration, who were both
Chancellors with Governance Powers and no direct Administrative powers at the
University of NSW. They were true custodians of Intellectual Independence in
their respective fields. Intuitively recognizing this through the Chancellors’
responses - I asked the Vice Chancellor who did eventually meet with me for
about half an hour, for surface listening, after he discussed his eye problem with the
Director of Human Resources at that short meeting, to escalate the matter to the Council
level. The Vice Chancellor did not
respond and I operationalized this non-violent, non-cooperation through
Peaceful assembly in an area allocated to those who waited to see the Vice
Chancellor. This was also an expression of my claim that the reason was racial
discrimination which is unlawful in Australia, confirmed through the Police who
arrested me and listed me as Sri Lankan. Had I been violent – physically and/or
mentally, I would have lost power as a Governor.
Back
then, I did not know how to explain to White Australians who stated that this
would have happened to them also if they had done as I did. It would not have because
if they had done the work I did at the standard I did, they would have been promoted to the highest
level in their field within that institution or they would have left that
University to join another institution for more pay and/or higher position. So
now I know that it was my non-violent non-cooperation that confirmed my
ownership / governance power at the University. If I had reacted to hurt any
part of the University – I would have hurt myself and confirmed that I was NOT
a Governor yet. The Australian
Government then led by Mr John Howard failed to participate in the Court
process. To my mind, my continued pain eventually
internalized by my acceptance of reality beyond my control, contributed
strongly to Mr Howard losing his seat in
Parliament through migrant vote. Different groups of Governors would attribute
different reasons for the fall/the dismissal. If they are true Governors – who travel to the ultimate destination of
their pathway without disturbing another’s rights, all would merge at the destination
of Common Ownership of Australia.
After the first arrest under the influence of the
University Administrators, I sought the blessings of the architects of the INCLOSED
LANDS PROTECTION ACT 1901 and released myself from Trespass charges
unlawfully used by the Police, under the influence of the University
Administrators. When a person is unlawfully punished, the right to give form as
to ‘why’ belongs to the victim until proven otherwise through external
measures. The reason I attributed - ‘Racial
Discrimination’ – is yet to be proven false and hence holds good as a heritage value to all seekers using
the bottom-up pathway.
I naturally invoked the ancestors of this State
and through such faith I invoked also the power of the ancestors of the Land on
which the University of NSW stands. The University of the Sunshine Coast
explains the way we now more actively attribute to our elders of this land- ‘Cultural practice is to acknowledge
traditional custodianship of the land at the commencement of functions,
meetings and presentations of government departments and various organisations.
This acknowledgement pays respect to the traditional custodians, ancestors and
continuing cultural, spiritual and religious practices of Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander people. Further, it provides an increasing awareness and
recognition of Australia’s Indigenous peoples and cultures.’
The Police merely used the name of the INCLOSED
LANDS PROTECTION ACT 1901 to suit the decision
they had already made, despite being informed by me logically that it did not apply in my case. I, the
victim, paid my respects to the makers of that law to whom also that Land was ‘Home’.
I was able to so invoke, due to my Hindu
culture which seeks the blessings of Elders and Nature at the beginning of an
activity. I thus became part of that group of owners and all those who punished
me were naturally demoted from their then existing positions.
In
the above two examples of those of Sri Lankan Tamil origin, Mr. V. Rudrakumaran as per his own declarations through TGTE mandate represents the militant groups
that openly opposed and murdered politicians associated with the intellectual
pathway to declaring our independence which culminated in the Vaddukoddai
Resolution of 1976 which was confirmed by Parliamentary Elections in 1977 when
Tamils became the Equal Opposition in National Parliament not due to separation
of Land but due to the failure of
Administrators to practice the Doctrine of Separation of Powers with others who
govern Sri Lanka through completion of their cultural pathway without
interfering with other’s pathways.
Militants who acted to attack instead of defending, diluted their
own governance powers at the community level. Their ways apply to those within
the Sri Lankan Army who acted as individuals. But militants who went outside
these borders to attack including Tamils – have proven to be lowest level
participants in self-governance. By killing the architects of the Vaddukoddai
Resolution, the LTTE whose heritage the TGTE is carrying forward, disowned the
investment made by Tamils through the non-violent pathways of Politics and Intellectual
Administration.
Mr. Kathirgamanathan Narenthiranathan
mentioned above has proven by his pathway that he is also a descendent of this
group and brings shame to Nallur where I understand he was groomed and Vaddukoddai
where he married.
They are both negative forces that lead to manifestations against self-governance in the
areas that have accommodated them.
